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L
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A
LIBRARY OF FATHERS
OF THE
HOLY CATHOLIC CHURCH,
ANTERIOR TO THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST.
TRANSLATED BY MEMBERS OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
YET S11AL i. NOT THY TEACHERS BE REMOVED INTO A CORNER ANY MORE, BUT
THINE EYES SHALL SEE THY TEACHERS. Isaiah XXX. 20.
OXFORD,
JOHN HENRY PARKER;
J. G. F. AND J. RIVINGTON, LONDON
MDCCCXLIII.
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TO THE
MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD
WILLIAM
LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY,
PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND,
FORMERLY REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD,
THIS LIBRARY
OF
ANCIENT BISHOPS, FATHERS, DOCTORS, MARTYRS, CONFESSORS,
OF CHRIST'S HOLY CATHOLIC CHURCH,
is
WITH HIS GRACE'S PERMISSION
RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED,
IN TOKEN OF
REVERENCE FOR HIS PERSON AND SACRED OFFICE,
AND OF
GRATITUDE FOR HIS EPISCOPAL KINDNESS.
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HISTORICAL TRACTS
OP
S. ATHANAS IUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
TRANSLATED,
WITH NOTES AND INDICES.
OXFORD,
JOHN HENRY PARKER;
J. G. F. AND J. RIVINGTON, LONDON.
MDCCCXLIII.
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BAXTER, PRINTER, OXFORD.
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PREFACE.
The Works of which this Volume is composed, being of
an historical character, naturally require a Chronological
Table of the principal events recorded in them; but the
difficulties of forming any satisfactory statement, during the
period to which they belong, are so great, that any arrange-
ment can be but hypothetical, and must be accompanied
with some notice of the difficulties themselves, and the various
expedients which have been adopted with the view of over-
coming them. Though such notice will be necessarily very
imperfect, it shall here be attempted.
1. Interposition of Pope Julius in the affairs of the East.
It is certain, that both the Eusebians and the Egyptian
Bishops had recourse to Rome ; that Athanasius went thither ;
that a synodal judgment was passed there ; and that Legates
went from S. Julius to Antioch; but the order and dates
of these events are variously determined. For the sake
of perspicuity, it will be necessary in the first place to take a
view of the transactions to which dates are to be assigned ;
though it is impossible to do so, without prejudging some
of the questions in dispute.
It appears then, that shortly after the return of S. Atha-
nasius to Alexandria from his exile in Gaul, the Eusebian
party brought charges against him before the three Emperors,
(infr. pp. 18, 226,) and the Pope, (p. 37.) Their embassy or
legation to the latter consisted of Macarius, Martyrius, and
a 2
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PREFACE.
Hesychius, (pp. 42, 47.) and they were met by a counter
deputation from S. Athanasius, (pp. 44, 226,) supported,
(p. 48,) or preceded, (p. 43,) by letters from many Catholic
Bishops, (pp. 47, 70,) and by a letter to the Pope, (p. 38,)
which an Alexandrian Council of from eighty, (p. 61,) to one
hundred Bishops, (p. 14,) had written in his favour, (pp. 14, 17,
and 48.) The discussions which ensued at Rome perhaps were
held before a Council of Bishops then present, (p. 46,) and
ended in the defeat of the Eusebian legates, (p. 43,) one of
whom abruptly left the city in consequence, (p. 44.) Julius,
however, did not decide the matter at once, but at their
suggestion, (pp. 39, 42, 226,) proposed a Council, (p. 11,) at
which both Eusebians, (p. 54,) and Athanasius should attend,
(p. 40,) and the Alexandrians have the choice of place, (p. 226.)
Athanasius, who was otherwise disposed to betake himself to
Rome, in consequence of the outrages of Gregory whom the
Arian Council of the Dedication had sent to Alexandria in his
place, (p. 227,) promptly obeyed the call (p. 49) ; and on his
arrival at Rome, the Pope sent Elpidius and Philoxenus as
legates to Antioch, (p. 39,) with a letter to the Eusebians,
(p. 46,) repeating the invitation to a Council, (p. 41,) and fixing
the day, (pp. 45, 227.) There they were detained over the
time, ibid, and at length came back with a refusal on the part
of the Orientals to attend (pp. 40, 46, 47) ; though the Eusebian
legates had not only been the originators of the measure, but
had gone so far as to offer to submit the question to the
arbitration of the Pope, (p. 39.) Upon this Julius proceeded
to hold a Council of fifty Bishops, (pp. 14, 39, 230,) at which
Athanasius and others were pronounced innocent and admitted
to communion, ibid, and in the name of which, (pp. 39, 46,) the
Pope, eighteen months from the date of Athanasius's arrival,
(p. 49,) proceeded to address a letter of remonstrance to the
Orientals, who had written to him from Antioch.
This is a sketch of the history, and now to proceed to its
chronology. The only date which is known for certain is
that of the Eusebian Council of Antioch held A.D. 341.
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PREFACE.
v
This we learn from Athanasius, de Syn. §. 25. " Ninety
Bishops," he says, " met at the Dedication under the Con-
sulate of Marcellinus and Probinus, in the 14th of the
Indiction;" L. F. vol. 8, p. 109. As, in dating by the In-
dication, the new year began in September, the Council must
have assembled during the spring or summer of 341 ; nay, it
would appear, in the first months of it, if Gregory, who was
appointed in it to the See of Alexandria, began his per-
secution at Alexandria in that year. Gregory entered Alex-
andria during Lent, (infr. p. 7.) that is, either in Lent 841
while the Council was still sitting, or the Lent following.
Upon Gregory's coming, Athanasius left Alexandria for
Rome, that is, after Easter ; thus Athanasius's visit to Rome
commences in the spring of 341 or 342; unless indeed
we suppose with Mansi, that Gregory's invasion and Atha-
nasius's flight were prior to the Council of the Dedi-
cation, viz. in 340. He remained at Rome three years,
(p. 158.) and in the fourth year was called by Constans
to Milan. Now in the latter part of 345 the delegates
of the Eusebians also came to Milan, Eudoxius, Marty-
rius, and Macedonius, (vid. L. F. vol. 8, p. 111.) with the
Macrostich or Long Confession, which had been drawn up
at Antioch in the beginning of the year. They presented
themselves before a Council there, according to a letter of
Liberius, of the date of 354 ; which rejected them ; and that,
according to the same letter, eight years before that date,
which nearly agrees with Athanasius's account of the publica-
tion of the Macrostich. It is natural to connect this visit
of the Eusebians to Milan with the summons of Athanasius
by Constans to that city, and to conclude that the pro-
ceedings of the Council issued in the resolution which the
Emperor adopted at this time to treat with his brother
for the meeting of a General Council. If so, the date of
Athanasius's journey to Rome is 342. And it certainly seems
much more probable that Gregory should proceed to
Alexandria the Lent after the Dedication, than that the ec*
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PREFACE.
clesiastical and military acts and movements* which attended
his expedition should be despatched between January and
Lent, which the date of 341 requires, i. e. did not Athanasius's
words p. 226. on the other hand shew that the Eusebians
were very much bent on the measure, and were likely to
prosecute it promptly. And Baronius and others date
the Councils of the Macrostich and of Milan at 344, not
345, which throws back the journey of Athanasius to 341.
And moreover if the Anonymus Maffeianus, relied on by
Mansi, be correct, the Council of Sardica was held at the end
of 344, a date which may just allow time for a preliminary
Council of Milan (in 344.) between the Sardican Council and
the end of three years from May 341. In this uncertainty
about the year of Athanasius's journey to Rome, 341 may be
more fitly taken than 342 or 340, as having the suffrages of
more critics in its favour. But in this question does not consist
the main difficulty of the chronology on the point before us,
which is internal to the documents which are to follow,
arising out of the relative not the absolute dates which
they contain.
It appears that S. Athanasius was eighteen months at
Rome before Pope Julius's letter, (p. 49;) that is, the Council
of Rome, in or upon which he wrote it, was ending or
just ended eighteen months after Athanasius's arrival,
or in the month of October or rather November, since
he set out for Rome after Easter. But the meeting of the
Council was fixed for a day before the January preceding
that November ; because the Pope's legates who were sent
into the East upon Athanasius's arrival at Rome are said, by
being kept at Antioch till January, to be kept over the time
* Pagi after Schelstrate contends,
that the Confession of faith and the
Canons preceded the cause of Athana-
sius in the Council. Montfaucon and
Tillemont, (with the exception of the
Canon, which was expressly levelled at
Athanasius, and which Montf. does not
notice as a Canon,) place it first of all.
If there were at first orthodox Bishops
at the Council, as is said, we cannot
suppose, that Athanasius was con-
demned till after their departure. Schel-
strate. who places matters of faith and
discipline first, in his task of vindi-
cating the Catholicity of the Council, is
obliged to suppose its commencement in
340, in order to gain time for Gregory's
expedition by Lent 341.
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PREFACE.
vii
of meeting. Thus we have an interval of eleven months
between the meeting and the termination. It follows then that
the Council did not meet at the time proposed, or that it was
continued for nearly a whole year, or that there were two
Councils, one in December, the other in November. Now
as to the last supposition, it is most improbable that the same
Bishops of Italy should meet twice over at so short a period,
and Julius and Athanasius speak distinctly of but one
synodal body, (even supposing they are not clear about one
meeting,) which both pronounced the innocence of Atha-
nasius and commissioned Julius to write. Still less is
it conceivable that the Council should be prolonged for
ten or eleven months. Nor can we easily conjecture, what
is at first sight plausible, a postponement of the day of
meeting, for Julius seems positively to say that they met
at the very time for which they had been convened, (p. 46.)
In this difficulty, which can on no hypothesis perhaps be
satisfactorily removed, some critics have thrown the fault, as
it may be called, upon one place in the history, others on
another.
The form in which it has been above exhibited is that
which arises out of the arrangement of facts and dates
first suggested by Valesius, and adopted after him by
Schelstrate, Pagi, Montfaucon, Coustant, Du Pin, S. Bas-
nage, and others. It seems far more natural and less open
to objections than any other; and perhaps the readiest
explanation of the difficulty, which has been above described
as attaching to it, is to consider the letter of Pope Julius to
be later than the Italian Council by eleven months, and
written in the ordinary Autumnal Synod (Baron. 342. 34.), to
which, on occasion of the delay of the Eusebians, the Italian
Council of December, might naturally delegate b , as to a sort
of Committee, the office of concluding negociations with them
and issuing the Council's sentence, whenever the legates of the
b Tillemont will be found to make a He supplies parallel instances,
similar suggestion, vol. 7. pp. 706, 7.
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PREFACE.
Pope should return. What makes this the more probable is,
that Julius speaks of Athanasius as being among the Romans
eighteen months. " He continued here a year and six months,....
his presence overcame us all," p. 49, words which properly
belong to Bishops residing in the neighbourhood, not to an
Italian Council. It is observable, moreover, that Julius says,
"the sentiments I am expressing are not those of myself
alone, but of all the Bishops throughout Italy, and in these
parts" hv rovrois roi$ [ligeo-i, p. 46. (Baronius, however, adduces
this passage in order to shew that S. Julius's first letter issued
from a Council.) And he proceeds, " The Bishops now too,
xa) vuv, assembled on the appointed day," as if there had been
a former appointment, and that punctually kept ; (though Vale-
sius and Schelstrate understand the words, " I again write,"
which follow, to refer to Julius's former communication with
the Eusebians before Athanasius's coming, as we may
understand it still.) And that a delay of some kind was occa-
sioned in the proceedings at Rome by the conduct of the
Eusebians, is plain, as various critics observe, from Julius's
words, p. 40, " I, when I had read your letter, after much
consideration, kept it to myself, thinking that after all some
of you would come but when no one arrived, and it
became necessary that the letter should be produced, &c."
This passage too accounts for the long interval between the
departure of the legates from the Eusebians in January,
and the Pope's Letter to them of the November following in
answer.
Such is the disposition of the dates which is the most
satisfactory on the whole; but it must not be concealed, that
names of the greatest weight may be alleged in favour of
other chronological arrangements. Such is Baronius, who
has been followed by Labbe, Petavius, and others ; such are
Hermant, Papebroke, and Tillemont, who adopt a third hypo-
thesis. Such again is Mansi, who follows an arrangement of his
own, founded on a document which has come to light since
the time of his predecessors.
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PREFACE.
ix
Baronius supposes two visits of Athanasius to Rome, and
two Italian Councils held there. He refers to a statement of
Socrates, as apparently the basis of the former of these
suppositions ; though Socrates is so inextricably perplexed in
his account of the events and even of the names of persons
which occur in the history, that it is difficult to determine
what he does and what he does not say on this point.
Baronius refers to Hist. ii. 11 - where no such statement occurs.
He may be taken, however, to say, (e. g. ii. 15.) that Athanasius
after his acquittal at Rome returned to Alexandria before the
violent entrance of Gregory, upon which he retired to Rome
a second time. Accordingly, Baronius terminates the eighteen
months some time before Lent, 342, which he considers the
date of Gregory's entrance, or towards the close of 341, and
places their commencement, that is, the first journey of Atha-
nasius in the early part of 340, and the Council of Alexandria
in 339. Further, since the termination of the eighteen
months must coincide with the date of the Roman Council,
which acquitted Athanasius, he supposes that Council to
have been held in 341, before the outrages of Gregory, and
before the return of the legates, whom he sends into the East
in 340, previous to Athanasius' first journey, and brings back
to Rome not till 342, when Julius holds a second Council,
in which he writes his synodal letter.
Baronius urges in behalf of his two Councils that Pope Julius
notices in his Letter written from the Council, the complaint
of the Eusebians that Athanasius had been admitted to com-
munion, which was undeniably the act of the Council of fifty
Bishops. Valesius answers first by denying that Julius
notices any such complaint, next by arguing that the act
of the Council of fifty was not mere admission into commu-
nion, for Athanasius had never been out of communion,
and of this the Eusebians might be complaining, but
a formal recognition of his being, and deserving to be, in
communion with the Church. And hence Athanasius says,
that they gave him " the confirmation of their fellowship,"
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PREFACE.
p. 39. kxvgaxrctv tjjv xoimvlav. As to the question, which has
been raised, whether the Pope suspended communion with
Athanasius, it is treated of by Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 673.
Tillemont, though he agrees with Baronius in supposing
two journeys of S. Athanasius to Rome, follows Papebroke
in differing from him altogether in the dates at which he
places them. He argues that the Council at Rome must be
dated shortly after the Council of the Dedication at Antioch
341 ; after it, because Julius complains that the Eusebians had
anticipated him b , (p. 50.) and but shortly after, because they
pleaded the suddenness of the summons to Rome as a reason
for not going, whereas it had been sent them by the Pope's
legates as far back as the foregoing year. And he considers
that the legates set out in the year 340, because in Athana-
sius's Encyclical Letter, written in the spring of 341, mention
is made (p. 11.) of an intention at Rome to hold a Council for
settling the existing troubles, an intention moreover the news of
which occasioned the Eusebians to assemble at Antioch in 341.
Accordingly he places the Council of Rome in June of that
year ; and this, in spite of S. Julius's express statement that
January, when the legates were dismissed from Antioch, was
about (because just beyond) the time when the Council was
held, meeting the difficulty by an arbitrary alteration of the
text, of June for January. And he supposes the Council to
continue by adjournment and representation till the return of
the legates, when S. Julius wrote his letter to the Eusebians.
Athanasius's eighteen months therefore terminated at this date,
i. e. in the autumn of 341 ; but, as agreeing with Valesius in
fixing Gregory's arrival at Alexandria in Lent of that year,
Tillemont is obliged to suppose that the eighteen months were
not consecutive, even if they were complete. He dates Atha-
nasius's first coming as at the end of 339 c ; considers that he
b Schelstrate of course, whom Pagi c The words piw Ituutat in Atha-
follows, will not allow any intentional nasius, infr. p. 227. $.11 init. are felt
anticipation on the part of the Council, as a difficulty both by Tillemont and
which he maintains to be in its begin- Montfaucon ; by Montfaucon, as if
nings Catholic, and to have assembled at shewing that his flight was before Gre-
the end of 340 to dedicate the Aureum gory's coming; by Tillemont, as shewing
Dominicum. that it was after Gregory's ordination.
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PREFACE.
xi
returned to Alexandria in the course of 340 on the rumour
of the Eusebian movements at Antioch, and retired a second
time to Rome on the forcible entrance of Gregory during
the Lent following.
Valesius argues against the double journey of Athanasius
from the strong negative fact that Athanasius no where
speaks of more than one, (vid. infr. pp. 39, &c. 158,227, &c.)
He considers too that he could not have returned to Alex-
andria without formal Letters from Constantius, which there
is no appearance of his obtaining.
Mansi differs from other critics in this, that he rejects the
testimony of Socrates, &c. upon which it rests that Gregory's
appointment proceeded from the Council of the Dedication,
and considers his violences at Alexandria to have taken
place in Lent 340. He argues from the language of
Athanasius in his Encyclical Letter and elsewhere that
Gregory certainly was not elected by Bishops, and therefore
not in a Council, (vid. infr. pp. 5, 64, 229, &c.) Yet surely,
according to Socrates, &c. Athanasius was deposed by the
Council " because he had violated a rule which they themselves
then passed," viz. that he had exercised his episcopal office
without the formal leave of a Council of Bishops ; and it can
hardly be supposed that, when the Eusebians took the pains
to be thus formal, they had already despatched Gregory to
take possession of the Alexandrian See. And Pope Julius's
letter too, p. 50 fin. implies that the Council passed some act
against Athanasius. Hence Schelstrate and Pagi maintain that
he was not deposed till after the question of faith and at least
some canons had been settled. Mansi, however, relies upon a
document discovered by Maffei in the Veronese Library, pre-
sently to be mentioned, which anticipates the date of Atha-
nasius's return after the Council of Sardica by some years,
placing it on Oct. 21, 346. and assigning six years and six
months for the length of his exile. In consequence he fixes
Athanasius's flight from Gregory and journey to Rome at the
beginning of 340, agreeing with Baronius and Papebroke
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xii
PREFACE.
in supposing that it was preceded, as Sozomen reports
Hist. ii. 9. by a time of concealment. He places the
Council of Rome at the end of the eighteen months after
Athanasius's arrival, i. e. towards the end of 341. And he
argues that the Council of the Dedication was held in the
month of August, from the circumstance # of St. Jerome's
assigning the Council in his Chronicon to the fifth year of
the Emperors, (as does Socrates Hist. ii. 8.) while the
fourteenth of the Indiction, which is also its date, ended
with the beginning of September. But the fifth year from
Constantine's death began on May 22; and from the new
Emperors' assumption of the title of Augustus, not in August
as Mansi states, (vid. Suppl. Cone. p. 175.) but on Sept 9.
vid. Tillem. Emp. t. 4. p. 312. l'Art de verifier les Dates,
t. 1. p. 392.
The mention of the accession of the sons of Constantine
leads to the notice of one date in which Schelstrate, Pagi, and
Montfaucon, as well as Papebroke, and Tillemont, side with
Baronius against Valesius, who wishes to make 337 instead
of 338 the year of S. Athanasius's return from Gaul. Vale-
sius argues in favour of 337, from the circumstance that
Constantine the younger in his letter to the Church of Alex-
andria, (infr. p. 121.) which is dated June 17, designates
himself as " Caesar," not by the title of Augustus, which he
assumed with his brothers the September after his accession,
i. e. Sept. 9, 337. Valesius adds, that while the brothers
were but Caesars, Constantine would have the highest autho-
rity of the three, as being the eldest ; as if thus accounting
for Constantine's writing to the Alexandrians, not Constantius
their sovereign. Tillemont, after Schelstrate and Pagi, urges in
reply the testimony of Theodoret, who says that Athanasius
was two years and four months at Treves ; and as he arrived
there not before the end of 335, (Tillem. Montf.) or in 336,
(Baron. Schelstr ) he did not leave till 338. Moreover, Con-
stantine's letter was written too soon after his father's death,
on the supposition of its belonging to 337, to allow even of
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PREFACE.
xiii
his hearing of that event, much less of his speaking, as he does,
of his father's wishes as regards Athanasius. It appears too
that the three brothers met in Pannonia in 338, where Atha-
nasius tells us, (infr. p. 159,) he had about this time an inter-
view with Constantius, viz. at Viminacium ; it is natural then
to suppose that the letter of Constantine was the consequence
of the meetings then and there held. And while Athanasius,
(infr. p. 225,) expressly says, that his return was the joint act
of the three brothers, it is known that Constantius and
Constans were at Viminacium in June 338, since one of their
laws bears this date and place ; not to say that, according
to Epiphanius, Constantius's approbation of the return of
Athanasius was given when that Emperor was at Autioch,
which he is known to have been in October 338. (vid. Sehel-
strate, Pagi.) As to Valesius's difficulty about Constantine's
title, Pagi solves it by observing that Constantine was writing
to a Church under his brother's jurisdiction, and in such case
he would naturally drop the title Augustus, though he was in
possession of it. He refers to parallel instances. And as to
Constantine's writing at all, it is sufficient to answer that
Treves where Athanasius was staying was within his territory.
Valesius also maintains, that the Encyclical Letter was
written on occasion of the second attack on the Alexandrian
Church, by George in 356, not upon the first under Gregory.
He is misled by the faults in the text noticed infr. p. 1, which
Baronius had corrected from the necessity of the case, and
which Montfaucon has been able to set right from one of his
Mss. To meet the difficulty which the mention of Philagrius
creates, of whose connection with Gregory we are informed
by Athanasius himself, infr. p. 224, Pagi, who, as well as
Schelstrate, follows Valesius in this point, supposes that there
were two Prefects of the name of Philagrius, the second the
son of the first. He supports this supposition by the mention
which occurs, (ibid.) of a Philagrius, Vicar of Cappadocia, i. e.
under the Prefect, and who cannot,he considers, be the man who
had served the higher office of Prefect of Egypt In this way
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PREFACE.
would be explained the praise bestowed upon a Philagrius by
Nazianzen, (vid. ibid, note b.) whom he supposes to be the
second of the two.
2. Tlie Council of Sardica.
If any period in the life of S. Athanasius might at first
sight be considered free from chronological difficulties, it
would be that which lies between his second and his third
exiles. Baronius, Montfaucon, and Tillemont, whose dates
we have found so discordant in the foregoing years, have
hardly a subject of difference in those which follow. There
is a general consent among them and the critics which come
between them concerning the date of the Council of Sardica,
the restoration of S. Athanasius, and the irruption of Syrianus
and his flight. The great difficulties attaching to the Councils
of Sirmium in these years scarcely fall into the narrative of
his life. Thus stands the matter, if we confine ourselves to
the discussions and researches of the seventeenth century.
But in the course of the eighteenth a fresh source of informa-
tion was discovered, which, while it added perplexity to the
perplexed period which has already come under review,brought
into serious difficulty the hitherto unquestioned dates of the
Council of Sardica, and of S. Athanasius's return to Alex-
andria consequent upon it.
Maffei published from the Library of Verona a fragment
of the Latin Version of Annals of the life of S. Athanasius,
written apparently in Greek at Alexandria, and not very long
after the times which it records. The high value which he
sets upon this document, is confirmed by the judgment of
Mansi and the Ballerini, the latter of whom call it an " aureum
opusculum," Observ. in Noris. p. 834. and the former has
made it the basis of a new chronological arrangement d . That
it contains very great historical misstatements is evident at first
sight; but it is a question whether these may not be attributed
to the ignorance of the translator, errors in transcription, e. g.
in numerals, and other causes; while on the other hand, were
<» Vid. also Vallars. in Hieron. Chron. p. 793.
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PREFACE.
xv
the mistakes even so numerous and flagrant, an apparent
internal consistency as well as plausible external support
may be urged in behalf of those particular statements, on
which are founded the corrections of the chronology of the
historical period now under review.
In the very passage which is of main importance in the
inquiry, and with which the fragment opens, we find a
glaring error, at variance too with the account which follows.
"Post Gregorii mortem Athanasius reversus est ex urbe
Rom& et remansit quietus apud Alexandriam annis xvi.
et mens, vi." whereas it is notorious, as the Annalist himself
goes on to say, that he was driven into banishment again in
little more than nine years.
In the paragraph that follows, the Author speaks of the
Consuls of the year 349, as Hypatius and Catulinus, instead
of Limenius ; and of Eusebius of Nicomedia as then alive,
who died in 341 or 342; and of the murder of Hermogenes
at Constantinople, which took place at the same date. Mansi,
however, has a very ingenious explanation of the mistake in
the Consul's name.
Afterwards he speaks of Constans for Constantius, and
Gregory for George.
The statement in which we are immediately concerned
runs thus : "JEt {actus est, post Gregorii mortem Athanasius
reversus est ex urbe Roma et partibus Italiae et ingressus
est Alexandriam, Phaophi xxiv. Consulibus Constantio iv.
et Constante iii. hoc est post annos vi." The Consuls named
belong to 346, and the Egyptian date, according to Mansi,
corresponds to October 21 ; whereas the received date of
Athanasius's return is 349, and is computed thus : — Sozomen
Hist. iii. 12. places the Council of Sardica in the Consulate
of Rufinus and Eusebius, that is, A.D. 347. From the
Council an embassy or legation was sent by Constans to his
brother, consisting of Euphrates and Vincentius. What
happened to them at Antioch we read infr. p. 235, and it took
place " at the season of the most holy Easter," which must
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PREFACE.
be 348, Easter-Day being April 8 ; now Gregory died " about
ten months after," p. 236 ; that is, in February 349, upon which
Athanasius was restored to his see, ibid. But on the other
hand, reckoning backwards, if his restoration took place, as
the Annalist would have it, in 346, then Euphrates and
Vincentius were at Antioch at Easter 345, and the Council
took place in 344.
In another place the anonymous Annalist speaks of the
irruption of Syrianus, infr. p. 206. as occurring, "Mechir xiii.
die per noctem supervenientem xiv." or February 9, which
answers to the received account infr. p. 294. and adds, " Hoc
factum est post annos ix, et menses iii, ac dies xix, quam
Italia reversus est Episcopus;" a period, which, reckoning
according to Alexandrian months of thirty days, consistently
answers, as Maffei and Mansi observe, to the interval between
Oct. 21, 346. and Feb. 9, 356. One cannot suppose then
the date assigned, whatever be its value, to have been altered
in transcription or translation. It is the date intended by
the Author. Now in St. Jerome's Chronicon, the year
assigned for Athanasius's return, is the tenth year of Constans,
that is, this very year 346, though the date A.D. is there
otherwise marked, viz. as 350 (349). Theodoret too reckons
the length of Gregory's usurpation at six years, which, how-
ever treated, cannot be made to -reach to 849. Moreover, if
Euphrates was convicted of Arianism in 346, which is the
date assigned to the Council of Cologne, he could not have
been a legate from the Council of Sardica to Constantius in
Easter 348 ; but this difficulty, so celebrated in controversy,
vanishes, if for 348 we substitute 345, as the date of the visit
of Euphrates to Antioch. It may be added, that in Surius's
Edition of the Council of Sardica, the Consuls of 344 are
named in the title ; which is also the case in an ancient Ms.
of the Collection of Mercator formerly contained in the
Jesuit Library at Paris, though other chronological specifi-
cations are added inconsistent with this date.
What alterations in the chronology of the period seem to be
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PREFACE.
xvii
required by this and other notices contained in the fragment
under consideration, will be seen by inspecting Mansi's table,
a specimen of which shall presently be given. Here the dates
set down by the Annalist himself shall be set before the reader.
Entrance of S. Athanasius into Alexandria on his return from
Italy. Oct. 21,346.
Legation of five Bishops from S. Athanasius to Constans
[Constantiusl at Milan. May 19, 353.
Montanns the Palatine enters Alexandria, four days after,
with Letters from the Emperor to S. Athanasius prohi-
bitory of his legation. May 23, 353.
Diogenes the Notary comes to Alexandria with a view
of driving S. Athanasius from the city. end of July, 355.
he was there 4 months from the intercalation (after July)
to Dec. 22.
Syrianus enters Alexandria. Jan. 5, 356.
Breaks into the Church at night. Feb. 9, 356.
George is driven from Alexandria. Oct. 2, 358.
Death of S. Athanasius. May 3, 373.
It does not fall within the scope of this Preface to enter
into the Chronology of the Councils of Milan, upon which so
much has been written. On the critics who have treated
the subject and their respective judgments, vid. Pagi, ann.
344. n. 4.
3. Councils qf Sirmium.
Something was said on the subject of the Councils of
Sirmium, in the eighth Volume of the Library of the
Fathers, p. 160, in course of enumerating the Sirmian and
other Confessions. Mansi, however, was scarcely referred to;
and Zaccaria who has written after him not at all. A few
words will be sufficient to supply the omission.
Socrates and Sozomen assign the condemnation of Pho-
tinus at Sirmium to a Council held there in 351. Baronius,
Sirmond, and Gothofred, consider them mistaken, and fix
it in the year 357, towards or at the end of which, Constan-
tius came to that place, and remained there through the greater
b
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PREFACE.
part or whole of 358, and part of 359, (Gothofred in Philost.
p. 200. Mansi, Suppl. Cone. p. 182. ed. 1748.) Petavius, Tille-
mont, S. Basnage, &c. speak of three Councils or Conferences
of Sirmium, placing them respectively in 851, 857, and 359.
Gothofred three, in 357, 358, 359. Mansi three, in 358, 359,
359. Zaccaria makes in all five, viz. in 349, (in which indeed
he follows Petavius,) 351, 357, (at which Hosius lapsed,) 357
(following Valesius and Pagi,) and 359. The main point of
dispute is, whether there are two dates for Sirmian Councils,
351, and 357 — 9, or but one, and that, at the latter period,
the former date, though assigned by Socrates, being in that
case impossible ; and the main argument in favour of Baronius
and Mansi, who assert that there was but one, is the improba-
bility, be it great or be it little, that there should have been
two Councils or Conferences in that city, of an ecumenical
not local character, within a few years of each other. There
does not seem much more to be said than this, against
Petavius and other advocates for 351 and 357.
This is evident from the mode in which Mansi draws out
his argument. He urges that Socrates and Sozomen, the two
writers who date the Council at 351, nevertheless state, that
" George, Bishop of Alexandria," was present at it, that is,
George of Cappadocia, who was not consecrated till 856,
and was not driven from Alexandria till the end of August,
(or Oct. 2, according to the Anonymus,) 358. The Council
then was held towards the end of that year, a date at which we
happen to know that Constantius was making a long stay at
Sirmium. Such seems the utmost of Mansi's argument. Tille-
mont had already urged the mention of George to shew that
there was a Sirmian Council at a later date, but it does follow
from thence, as Tillemont well understands, that still Fhotinus
was not condemned at an earlier Council held in 351. Now the
reasons for the latter opinion, with the replies made to them,
are as follows: 1. Socrates dates in this place by naming the
Consuls (of the foregoing year, — there were no Consuls in 351,)
and is never wrong, according to Petavius, when he dates by
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PREFACE.
xix
the Consuls* Man si, however, denies this, and Zaccaria con-
cedes it, vid. also infr. p. xxi. 2. The Council of Sirmium, says
Tillemont, was composed of Bishops of the East, yet held in
Illyricum, all which agrees with the date 851, when the West
was under the power of usurpers; Mansi accounts for the
fact by alleging that the West had already declared its judg-
ment in two Councils held against Photinus at Rome and
Milan. 3. Basil of Ancyra, who was the life of the Council
against Photinus, opposed himself at Ancyra to the Council
of 357 or 358 ; which obliges us to distinguish between the
two Councils. Mansi explains by stating, what was the fact,
that there were two parties, Arians and Semi-Arians, at the
Council, and that when the latter, of which Basil was the
leader, left it, the former stayed and passed the Confes-
sion which Hosius subscribed, and Basil, &c. at Ancyra repu-
diated. 4. Germinius, who succeeded Photinus in the see
of Sirmium, sat as Bishop as early as the Council of Milan,
355; it is answered, that at least he was Bishop of Cyzicus
before the deposition of Photinus. 5. Theodore, who
subscribed the formulary against Photinus, was dead in 355,
that is, if the Theodore who subscribed was the Bishop of
Heraclea, and this formulary the confession which Liberius
signed, vid. Hilar. Fragm. vi. 7. 6. Cecropius of Nicomedia,
says Zaccaria against Mansi, though not against Baronius,
was present at the Council, but he was killed in the earthquake
in that city, August 28, 358. 7. Pagi too observes, that the
disputation between Basil and Photinus was taken down,
according to Epiphanius, Haer. 71. p. 829. by " Callicrates,
registrar of Rufinus the Prefect;" now if Praetorian Prefect
be meant, Rufinus was Prefect of Illyricum 349 — 352. Ex-
ceptores or registrars were attached to all judges, Gothofr.
Cod. Theod. t. 2. p. 459. but they are especially connected
with Praetorian Prefects by Gothofred, ibid. Pancirollus
Not. Dign. p. 36. and Lami Erud. Apost. p. 262.
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PREFACE.
4. Tlie year of S. Athanasius's death.
Though there is nothing in the following Treatises which
leads specially to a discussion of the year of S A th aliasing' s
death ; yet since it is one of the principal points of contro-
versy in a history which, as we have seen, abounds in
chronological difficulties, and is closely connected with
passages which occur below, it will not be out of place here
to set down the opinions of various critics on the subject
Many of them are collected together in Fontanini's Dis-
sertation appended to his Historia Literaria Aquileiensis.
Socrates places his death in the Consulate of Gratian ii.
and Probus, that is, in 371 ; in which he is followed by
Petavius; Hermant in his Life of S. Athanasius ; P. F. Chifflet,
(upon Ep. Paulin. 29.) Paulin. Illustr. part. 2. c. 11. p. 150;
Papebroke in vit. Ath. p. 248 ; and Sollerius (who answers
Pagi and Montfaucon in a very disagreeable tone) de Patri-
archis Alexandrinis, Act. SS. in t. 5. Jun.
Baronius; Valesius (Theod. Hist. iv. 22.); Renaudot, Hist.
Patriarch. Alex. p. 95 ; and Fontanini supr. adopt the date
of 372, from the duration of his Episcopate being 46 years,
(on which there is a general agreement,) and its commence-
ment in 326. Sollerius too confesses, that of the two he
should prefer 372 to 373, de Patr. Alex. n. 213. and it can
hardly be doubted, that this date would have, what may be
called, the second votes of the advocates both of 871 and
of 873.
Cardinal Noris in his Censur. in Not. Garner. (Opp. t. 3.
p. 1178.) in correction of a former statement in his Hist.
Pelag. in which he agreed with Baronius; his Editors the Bal-
lerini in their Obss. p. 834 ; Bucherius (in Victor. Can. Pasch.) ;
Pagi; Quesnel (Leon. Opp. t. 2. p. 1545. ed. Bailer.); Du Pin,
making S. Athanasius's Episcopate " more than 48 years ;"
Oudinus (in supplem. Script. Eccles.) ; Tillemont; Mont-
faucon; Ceillier (Hist, des Aut. Eccles.); S. Basnage (Annal.);
Le Quien (Or. Christ, t. 2. p. 400.); Scip. Maffei (Osserv. Lett.
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PREFACE.
xxi
t. 3.); and Mansi in the Dissertation quoted above, (though he
speaks respectfully of Sollerius's objections, in Pag. Ann.
372. 9.) argue in favour of 373. This last opinion, which
Montfaucon is considered to have established, in his Vit. Ath.
and a " Dissertatio de tempore mortis Alex. Ep. Alex, ac de
anno ob. Athan. M." (which has not fallen in the way of the
present writer,) is founded principally upon S. Proterius's
Paschal Epistle.
Little seems to be adduced in favour of 371, beyond the
circumstance of Socrates mentioning the Consuls of that year,
a mode of dating which, according to Baronius, may ordi-
narily be trusted, (in Ann. 69. n. 36.) that is, in the case of
public acts or contemporary events, as Montfaucon observes,
Fontan. Diss. p. 444. Petavius, however, says, Socrates nun-
quam temere, aut falso notas Consulares adhibet, dePhot. Haer.
c. 2. p. 379; on this point, however, something has occurred
above, p. xix. After alleging the evidence of Socrates, Solle-
rius, who is the latest of the above advocates of the year
371, does little more than attempt to adjust that date with
other existing chronological data, and to refute objections.
The most obvious difficulty in his hypothesis is, that
Socrates himself, in the very passage in which he mentions
the Consuls of 371, states that S. Athanasius was Bishop for
46 years, which, since he did not succeed Alexander till 326,
will bring the date of his death to 372 or 373. A contro-
versy follows, whether his consecration was at the end of
826, or at the beginning. S. Alexander died, according to
the Coptite History, as late as April 17 (326); but according
to Athanasius himself, infr. p. 88. and Theodoret, within five
months after the reception of the Meletians, (which followed
upon the termination of the Nicene Council, i. e. upon Aug.
25, 325,) and therefore in the beginning of 326, or the end
of 825. Epiphanius too reports, that S. Alexander died the
year of the Nicene Council, Haer. 69. 11. (though he adds what
invalidates his testimony, or rather turns it the other way ;)
and his Festival is fixed in the Roman Martyrology on
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PREFACE.
Feb. 26. Next comes the question of the interval between
Alexander's death and Athanasius's ordination, which Solle-
rius of course wishes to curtail as much as possible. With
this view he refers to the words of the Alexandrian Council, infr.
p. 22, which he interprets to imply, that the vacancy in the
see was immediately filled, and he maintains, after Papebroke,
that the Greek Feast-Day of S. Athanasius, Jan. 18, was
really the day of his consecration, i. e. in 326. However,
though this be granted for argument's sake, even then the
46 years of S. Athanasius's Episcopate extend to January
372, i. e. beyond May 2, (his day of death,) 371. Nor can
we suppose, that Socrates merely uses round numbers, when
he speaks of 46 years, for S. Cyril expressly tells us, that
Athanasius's Episcopate was " 46 whole years f and Theo-
dore t, Sozomen, the Arabian writers, (Renaudot Hist. Patr.
Alex. p. 96.) and others say the same thing. Yet Rufinus,
who was in Egypt about the time of Athanasius's death,
certainly says only, that he died in his 46th year.
And here at first sight is an argument in favour of 372,
rather than 373; Papebroke and Fontanini observe, that
S. Athanasius would have been Bishop 47 not 46 years on
supposition of the latter date. But this depends on the time
of year at which his Episcopate commenced. Sollerius
maintains above, that it dates from January 18 ; but Mont-
faucon (in his Monitum in correction of his Vit. Athan.) and
Tillemont place the death of S. Alexander on the 17th or
18th of April, following the Jacobite Chronicon of Abraham
Eckellensis, as above cited, and other Coptite, as well as
Abyssinian Calendars. To the five months spoken of above
by Athanasius and Theodoret, must in this case be added,
as indeed is reasonable, the time consumed in the return of
S. Alexander from Nicssa to Alexandria, and the proceedings
in reconciliation of the Meletians, which will make up the
whole interval between August 25, and the April following.
Again, S. Athanasius's consecration does not seem to have
followed immediately upon the death of his predecessor, infr.
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PREFACE.
xxiii
p. 22. which will carry down the beginning of his Episcopate
far into the year 326 ; and if we date it from the middle or
the end, and much more if, as the Ballerini propose, we fix
it on Jan. 18, 327, then 46 years and some months, or as it
is natural that S. Cyril should express it, 46 whole years, will
bring us to May 2, (the received day of his death,) 373.
The known duration then of S. Athanasius's Episcopate does
not decide between -372 and 373, being consistent with the
latter date as well as with the former. Other arguments,
decisive against 371, but available for both 372 and 373, are
deducible from the date of the coming of Valens to Antioch,
where, as Socrates tells us, he was staying at the time of
S. Athanasius's death ; and of Melania's visit to Alexandria,
when Athanasius gave her Macarius's sheep-skin, — a proof,
says Montfaucon, that Athanasius was not dead then, a proof,
says Fontanini, that he was dying.
The direct evidence in favour of 373 has been men-
tioned above. It consists in the Paschal Epistle of S. Pro-
terius, a contemporary of S. Leo, which is contained in
Petavius's Doctr. Temp. t. 2. who, however, p. 889. ed. 1627.
as Sollerius and Fontanini after him, thinks the text corrupt
and untrustworthy, as it evidently is in part. Sollerius also
argues against it as irrelevant in its context, and unmeaning.
It is confirmed by S. Jerome's Chronicon, which places Atha-
nasius's death in the 10th year of Valens; and by the Coptite
History, which, by dating it on a Thursday, fixes it in 373 ;
and especially by Maffei's fragment, of which so much
has been said above. Collateral evidence is gained from the
date of the consecration of S. Basil 370, who, when he was
Bishop, corresponded with S. Athanasius ; which, under the
circumstances, could hardly have been the case, had Atha-
nasius died in 372. Sollerius, however, suggests, that the
Athanasius addressed by S. Basil was Athanasius of Ancyra,
at one time an Arianizer, though afterwards zealous for
orthodoxy, n. 250.
It only remains to exhibit the historical events which have
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xxiv
PREFACE.
come under review according to the respective chronologies
which different critics have adopted.
Dates according to Valesius, Schelstrate, Pagi, Montfaucon,
Sam. Basnage.
A.D.
S. Athanasius returns from Gaul 337. V.
338. 5. P. M. B.
leaving Treves end of June, M.
Three Eusebian Legates sent to Rome. 339, V. S. P. M. B.
Council of Alexandria. 340. S.P.M.B.
Council of the Dedication. 341. V. S. P. M. B.
in beginning of Year, V. end of 340, till January
341, S. before Sept. P. to anticipate Roman,
Bar, not to anticipate Roman, & P.
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria. Lent. 341. V, P. M. B.
Athanasius writes his Encyclical Letter. 341. M.
in concealment, M .
[in 356 according to V. S. P.]
S. Athanasius escapes to Rome. 341. V. S. P. M, B.
March or April, S. P. after Easter, (April 19,) V.
May M. after Council of Dedication, P.
Legates set out from Rome to the Eusebians. 341. V, S. P. B.
before Athanasius arrives there, and in
beginning of Year, V.
after Athanasius's arrival, in March or April,
S. P. May, M.
Legates arrive at Antioch. 341. S. P.
in April or May or June, S. in June, P.
Legates set out from Antioch. 342. V. S. M. B.
January, S, B. M.
they return in March or April, <S.
Council of Rome, in which Athanasius is acquitted. 342. V. S. P. M. B.
October, S. B. or November, M.
The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 342. V. M. B. M.
Baronius and Petavius.
Athanasius returns from Gaul. 338. B. P.
The three Eusebian Legates, Macarius, &c. sent
to Rome. 339. B. P.
Council of Alexandria. 339. B.
The Legates sent from the Pope to the Eusebians. 340. B.
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PREFACE.
XXV
Athanasius comes to Rome (first time) beginning of 340. B. P.
Council of the Dedication at Antioch, 341. B. P.
to anticipate Roman Council, B.
First Council of Rome, in which Athanasius is
acquitted. 341. B. P.
Athanasius returns immediately to Alexandria, 341. B. P,
end of year, or beginning of next, B.
Eusebians send back the Legates. 341. B. P.
after the Council of Rome, B. before it, P.
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria, Lent 342. B. P.
Athanasius retreats from Alexandria into a place
of concealment. 342. B. P.
He writes his Encyclical Letter. 342. B*
The Pope's Legates return to Rome. 342. B,
Second Council of Rome. 342. B.
The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 342. B.
Athanasius comes to Rome (second time). 342. B* P.
Papebroke, Tillemont.
S. Athanasius returns from Gaul. 338. P. T.
The three Eusebian Legates sent to Rome. 339. T.
Council of Alexandria. 339. P. T.
S. Athanasius goes to Rome. 339. P. T*
and his 18 months begin, T. September, P.
The Legates sent from the Pope to the Eusebians, 340. T.
immediately after Sept. 339. P.
S. Athanasius returns to Alexandria, end of 340. P. T.
Council of the Dedication. 341. P. T.
beginning of Year, T*
before September, T.
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria, Lent. 341. P. T.
S. Athanasius writes his Encyclical Letter. 341. P. T.
He leaves Alexandria and retreats to Rome. 341. P. T.
after Easter, T.
The Pope's Legates leave Antioch. 341. P. T.
in June not January, P. T.
Council of Rome, June 341. P. T.
opened before return of Legates, P.
sitting till August or September, T.
The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 34L T.
. August or September, T.
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PREFACE.
Mansi.
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria. Lent, 340.
S. Athanasius leaves Alexandria for a place of concealment. May, 340.
He goes to Rome. June, 340.
Council of the Dedication. August, 341.
Council of Rome. End of 341.
Baron,
Macrostich is drawn up by Arian Council
of Antioch. 344.
It is rejected by the Westerns in the
Council of Milan. 344.
when the Arian Legates leave the As-
sembly in anger. 344.
Council of Sardica. 347.
Sardican Legates at Antioch. Easter, 348.
Death of the usurper Gregory, Jan. or Feb. 349.
Council of Cologne deposes Euphrates. 346.
Council of Milan against Photinus, at
which Valens and Ursacius appear. 350.
Council of Jerusalem. 350.
S. Athanasius returns to Alexandria. 350.
First Sirmian Council against Photinus. 357.
Montanus comes to Alexandria. 351.
Diogenes the Notary attempts to drive
S. Athanasius from Alexandria. 354.
Irruption of Syrianus into the Church,Feb.9. 356.
George is driven from Alexandria. 357.
Second Sirmian Council or Conference, in
which was passed the '* blasphemia,"^
vol. 8. p 161. 307°.
Council of Ancyra just before Easter. 357.
Third Sirmian Council or Conference. 357.
359.
372.
Pag, Mont. Tillem. Mans.
end of
345.
344.
345.
343.
346.
345.
345.
344.
346.
345.
345.
346.
end of
347.
347.
347.
348.
348.
348.
345.
349.
349.
349.
346.
346.
346.
346.
347.
347.
347.
346.
349.
349.
349.
346.
349.
349.
349.
346.
Oct.21.
351.
351.
351.
358.
353.
353 ,
353.
354.
end of May
Council of Ariminum, July 21.
Death of S. Athanasius, May %
355. 355. 355. 355.
end of July.
356. 356. 356. 356.
358. 358.
Oct. 2.
End of
357. 357. 357. 359.
358. 358. 359.
358. 359. 359. 359.
May 22.
359. 359. 359. 359.
373. 373. 373 373.
probably.
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PREFACE.
xxvii
Before concluding, it is necessary to observe, that in the
references in the notes or margin, S. Athanasius's Works are
designated by their Latin titles for the sake of clearness ; and
" Hist. Arian." is the same work as " ad Mon." There is
some unavoidable irregularity in the mode of reference to
former Volumes of this series, e. g. "Libr. F." with the
Volume specified, is equivalent to " Oxf. Tr."' or " O. T."
or to the name of the Treatise with " Tr." added. Also the
reference is sometimes made according to pages, sometimes
according to sections &c. Consistency has not been thought
of much consequence in a matter of this kind, where clear-
ness and conciseness of reference were rather to be consulted
in each particular case.
Also it may be right to refer the reader to a Letter
addressed to M ontfaucon on the words SaXXcov, or " boughs,"
infr. p. 270. in the Collectio Nova (t. ii. in Cosm. p. 18); and
to a note of Quesnel's on S. Leo, (t. 3. p. xlvii. ed. Bailer.)
who observes, that Siscia, infr. p. 60. is not a province, but
the city of that name in Pannonia.
And it should be added to page 13, that Tillemont dates
the Apologia contra Arian. not earlier than A.D. 356. arguing
from the mention of the banishment of Liberius and Hosius.
Also in note g, p. 49, justice is not done to Baronius's view
of Athanasius's double journey to Rome, as the foregoing
pages will shew. And in p. 76, note m, Thomassin is
quoted not to corroborate Febronius's interpretation, but
principle.
Also in p. 46, Valesius Obss. Eccles. i. 2. p. 174. under-
stands Eusebius himself by ol wegl E&rejSiov §. 26. Mont-
faucon observes, that Eusebius alone is spoken of in §. 1.
He adds, " res hie in dubio versatur." Baronius adduces
the phrase as used in the Encyclical Letter in proof that it
was written while Eusebius was still alive, but Valesius
denies the argument on grammatical grounds, Obss. Eccl. i.
7 fin. Montfaucon, however, observes, in his Monitum pre-
fixed to that Letter, that in matter of fact the phrase is never
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xxviii
PREFACE.
used by S. Athanasius of Eusebius's party after E.'s death,
but always xoivan) rm TfjJ E. or xAjjgo'vo/fcoi 1% dctfitlas tow E.
Also with reference to the subject of note n, p. 77. it should
be observed, that the majority of critics side with Du Cange
against Gothofred on the meaning of the word Canalis.
" Those Bishops," says Baronius, were " in Canalio, qui
sedes haberent in cursu publico, via scilicet qui equi publici
per stationes singulas dispositi essent ad iter agendum." An.
347. 55. " Qui praeerant sacris urbium, quae regiae vise
insidebant," sa y s Noris, professing his agreement with
Baronius, Opp. t. 4. p. 623. Rtiscus also, " qui sedes
habent in cursu publico," in voc. So also Kiesling, adding,
" intelliguntur hoc nomine urbes, seu potius civitates, in
quibus Episcopi sedem habuerunt fixam." de Discipl. Cleric,
p. 13. Beveridge reports Zonaras and Balsamon as furnish-
ing the same interpretation ; " cities which are in the public
ways, or canal, through which travellers pass without trouble,
as water flows in an aqueduct." Pandect, t. 1. p; 507.
For the Translation, the Editors have to express their
acknowledgments to the Rev. Miles Atkinson, M.A. late
Fellow of Lincoln College.
J. H. N.
Dec. 4, 1843.
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CONTENTS.
Page
1. Encyclical Epistle, addressed to all Bishops every where,
A.D. 341. (Ep.Encycl.) 1
2. Apology against the Arians, written about A.D. 350.
(Apol. contr. Arian.) 13
3. Encyclical Epistle, addressed to the Bishops of Egypt
and Libya, A. D. 356. {ad Ep. Mg.) 125
4. Apology addressed to the Emperor Constantius, A.D. 356.
{ad Constant or Ap. ad Canst) 154
5. Apology for his flight, A. D. 357 or 358. {de Fug.) 189
6. Epistle to Serapion concerning the death of Arius,
A.D. 358—360. {ad Serap. de Mort Ar.) 210
7. Epistle to the Monks, A.D. 358, or later. {Ep. ad Mon.) 215
8. History of the Arians, written A. D. 358 — 360.
{ad Mon. or Hist Avian.) 219
Appendix. S. Alexander's Deposition of Arius, and Ency-
clical Epistle, A.D. 321. {Alex. Encycl. Ep.) 297
Digitize^ (
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HISTORICAL TRACTS.
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ENCYCLICAL EPISTLE
OF THE
BLESSED ATHANASIUS,
BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA.
[S. Athanasius wrote the following Epistle in the year 341. In that year
the Eusebians held the famous Council of the Dedication at Antioch,
vid. Athan. de Syn. §. 25. (Libr. F. vol. 8. p. 109, &c.) Here they
appointed Gregory to the see of Alexandria in the place of Athanasius,
whom they had already condemned and denounced at the Synod of Tyre,
A.D. 335. Gregory was by birth a Cappadocian, and, (if Nazianzen
speaks of the same Gregory, which some critics doubt,) studied at
Alexandria, where S. Athanasius had treated him with great kindness
and familiarity, though Gregory afterwards took part in propagating the
calumny against him of having murdered Arsenius. Gregory was on his
appointment dispatched to Alexandria with Philagrius Prefect of Egypt,
and their proceedings on their arrival are related in the following Encyclical
Epistle, which S. Athanasius forwarded immediately upon his retreat
from the city to all the Bishops of the Catholic Church. It is less correct
in style, as Tillemont observes, than other of his works, as if composed
in haste. In the Editions previous to the Benedictine, it was called
an " Epistle to the Orthodox every where ;" but Montfaucon has
been able to restore the true title. He has been also able from his
MSS. to make a far more important correction, which has cleared up
some very perplexing difficulties in the history. All the Editions
previous to the Benedictine read " George" throughout for " Gregory,"
and " Gregory" in the place where " Pistus" occurs. Baronius, Tille-
mont, &c. had already made the alterations from the necessity of the
case.]
To his fellow-Ministers 1 in every place, beloved Lords, l «axu-
Athanasius sends health in the Lord.
1. Our sufferings have been dreadful beyond endurance, §. 1.
and it is impossible to describe them in suitable terms; but
B
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•2 Tlte outrages exercised towards the Levite's wife
Encyc. in order that the dreadful nature of the events which have
- taken place may be more readily apprehended, I have thought
it good to bring to your notice a history out of the Scriptures.
I9 d ?9 na PP ene( * tnat a certaul Levite was injured in the person
9 ' of his wife ; and, when he considered the exceeding greatness
of the pollution, (for the woman was a Hebrew, and of the
tribe of Judah,) being astounded at the outrage which had
been committed against him, he divided his wife's body, as
the Holy Scripture relates in the Book of Judges, and sent a
part of it to every tribe in Israel, in order that it might be
understood that an injury like this pertained not to himself
only, but extended to all alike; and that, if the people
sympathised with him in his sufferings, they might avenge
him ; or if they neglected to do so, might bear the disgrace
of being considered thenceforth as themselves guilty of the
wrong. The messengers whom he sent related what had
happened; and they that heard and saw it, declared that
such things had never been done from the day that the
children of Israel came up out of Egypt. So every tribe of
l#rael was moved, and all came together against the offenders,
as though they had themselves been the sufferers; and at
last the perpetrators of this iniquity were destroyed in war,
Uw^and became a curse 1 in the mouths of all: for the assembled
people considered not their kindred blood, but regarded only
the crime they had committed. You know the history,
brethren, and the particular account of the circumstances
given in Scripture. I will not therefore describe them more
in detail, since I write to persons acquainted with them, and
as I am anxious to represent to your piety our present
circumstances, which are even worse than those to which
I have referred. For my object in reminding you of this
history is this, that you may compare those ancient trans-
actions with what has happened to us now, and perceiving
how much these last exceed the other in cruelty, may be
filled with greater indignation on account of them, than were
the people of old against those offenders.
2. For the treatment we have undergone, surpasses the bitter-
ness of any persecution ; and the calamity of the Levite was
but small, when compared with the enormities which have
now been committed against the Church ; or rather such
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only a shadow of those against the Church by the Avians. 3
deeds as these were never before heard of in the whole Tn.I.i.
world, or the like experienced by any one. In that case
it was but a single woman that was injured, and one Levite
who suffered wrong ; now the whole Church is injured, the
priesthood insulted, and worst of all, piety 1 is persecuted by UM/ks*,
impiety. On that occasion the tribes were astounded, each
at the sight of part of the body of one woman ; but now the vi d. vol.
members of the whole Church are seen divided from one^^ 1 '
another, and are sent abroad some to you, and some to
others, bringing word of the insults and injustice which they
have suffered. Be ye therefore also moved, I beseech you,
considering that these wrongs are done unto you no less
than unto us ; and let every one lend his aid, as feeling that
he is himself a sufferer, lest shortly the Ecclesiastical Canons,
and the faith of the Church be corrupted. For both are
in danger, unless God shall speedily by your hands amend
what has been done amiss, and the Church be avenged on
her enemies. For our Canons* and our forms were not given
to the Churches at the present day, but were wisely and
safely transmitted to us from our forefathers. Neither had
our faith its beginning at this time, but it came down to us
from the Lord through His disciples b . That therefore the
ordinances which have been preserved in the. Churches from
old time until now, may not be lost in our days, and the
trust which has been committed to us required at our
hands ; rouse yourselves, brethren, as being stewards of the
mysteries of God, and seeing them now seized upon by
aliens. Further particulars of our condition you will learn
from the bearers of our letters ; but I was anxious myself to
write you a brief account thereof, that you may know for
certain, that such things have never before been committed
against the Church, from the day that our Saviour, when He
was taken up, gave command to His disciples, saying, Go ye, Mat.28,
and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the 19#
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost.
* vid. Beveridg. Cod. Can. Illustr. i.
3. $. 2. who comments on this passage
at length. Allusion is also made to the
Canons in Apol. contr. Arian. §. 69.
B
b vid. Athan. de Syn. §. 4. (Oxf.Tr.
p. 78, and note o.) Orat. i. $. 8. (ibid,
p. 191.) Tertull. Pr®scr. Har. §. 29.
(O. T. p. 462, and note c.)
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4 Gregory forced into the see of Alexandria
Encyc. 3. Now the outrages which have been committed against
- ^ BTT * us, and against the Church are these. While we were holding
^' our assemblies in peace, as usual, and while the people were
rejoicing in them, and advancing in godly conversation, and
while our fellow-ministers in Egypt, and the Thebais, and
Libya, were in love and peace both with one another and
with us; on a sudden the Prefect of Egypt puts forth a
public letter, bearing the form of an edict, and declaring that
one Gregory from Cappadocia was coming to be my successor,
supported by his own body-guard. This announcement
confounded every one, for such a proceeding was entirely
novel, and now heard of for the first time. The people
however assembled still more constantly in the Churches 6 ,
for they very well knew that neither they themselves, nor any
Bishop or Presbyter, nor in short any one had ever complained
against me ; and they saw that Arians only were on his side,
and were aware also that he was himself an Arian, and was
sent by the Eusebians to the Arian party. For you know,
brethren, that the Eusebians have always been the supporters
^•^•-and associates of the impious heresy of the Arian fanatics 1 ,
vS^Ath-ky whose means they have ever carried on their designs
Oxf.Tr. against me, and were the authors of my banishment into
viii. p. - .
91, note vraul.
4. The people, therefore, were justly indignant and exclaimed
against the proceeding, calling the rest of the magistrates and
the whole city to witness, that this novel and iniquitous
attempt was now made against the Church, not on the
ground of any charge brought against me by Ecclesiastical
persons, but through the wanton assault of the Arian heretics.
For even if there had been any complaint generally prevailing
against me, it was not an Arian, or one professing Arian
doctrines, that ought to have been chosen to supersede me ;
but according to the Ecclesiastical Canons, and the direction
of Paul, when the people were gathered together, and the
• Assembling in the Churches seems
to have been a sort of protest or de-
monstration, sometimes peaceably, but
sometimes in a less exceptionable man-
ner; — peaceably, during Justina's per-
secution at Milan. Arabros. En. i. 20.
August. Confess, ix. 16. but at Ephesus
after the third Ecumenical Council the
Metropolitan shut up the Churches,
took possession of the Cathedral, and
succeeded in repelling the imperial
troops. Churches were asylums, vid.
Cod. Theodos. ix. 45. $. 4. &c. at the
same time arms were prohibited.
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by the Eusebians and the Prefect of Egypt. 5
spirit of them that ordain, with the power of our Lord Jesus Tr.1.2 .
Christy all things ought to have been enquired into and trans-
acted canonically, in the presence of those among the laity and
clergy who demanded the change ; and not that a person brought
from a distance by Arians, as if making a traffic of the title
of Bishop, should with the support and strong arm of heathen
magistrates, thrust himself upon those who neither demanded
nor desired his presence, nor indeed knew any thing of what
had been done. Such proceedings tend to the dissolution of
all Ecclesiastical rules, and compel the heathen to blaspheme,
and to suspect that our appointments are not made according
to a divine rule, but as a matter of traffic and patronage l . 1 O. T.
5. Thus was this notable appointment of Gregory brought i9o, P "
about by the Arians, and such was the beginning of it. n £ tec -
And what outrages he committed on his entry into Alex- 3 *
andria, and of what great evils that event was the cause, you
may learn both from our letters, and by enquiry of those
who travel among you. While the people were offended at
such an unusual proceeding, and in consequence assembled
in the Churches, in order to prevent the impiety of the
Arians from mingling itself with the faith of the Church,
Philagrius who has long been a persecutor of the Church
and her virgins, and is now Prefect* of Egypt, an apostate
already, and a fellow-countryman of Gregory, a man too of
no respectable character, and moreover supported by the
Eusebians, and therefore full of zeal against the Church ;
this person, by means of promises which he afterwards
fulfilled, succeeded in gaining over the heathen multitude,
with the Jews and disorderly persons, and having excited
their passions, sent them in a body with swords and clubs
into the Churches to attack the people.
6. What followed upon this it is by no means easy to de-
scribe: indeed it is not possible to set before you a just re-
presentation of the circumstances, nor even could one recount
a small part of them without tears and lamentations. Have
such deeds as these ever been made the subjects of tragedy
d The Prefect of Egypt was called Senatorian order. He was the imperial
Augustalis as having been first ap- officer, as answering to Propraetors in
pointed by Augustus, after his victories the Imperial Provinces, vid. Hofman.
over Antony. He was of the Eques- in voc.
trian, not, as other Prefects, of the
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6 The Church, Baptistery, and Altar, profaned.
Encyc. among the ancients? or has the like ever happened before
Lett. j n t j me Q £ p ersecut j on or 0 f war ? The Church and the holy
Baptistery were set on fire, and straightway groans, shrieks,
and lamentations, were heard through the city; while the
citizens in then* indignation at these enormities, cried shame
upon the governor, and protested against the violence used
to them. For the holy and undefined virgins" were stripped
naked, and suffered treatment which is not to be named, and if
they resisted, they were in danger of their lives. Monks were
trampled under foot and perished ; some were hurled headlong;
others were destroyed with swords and clubs ; others were
wounded and beaten. And oh ! what deeds of impiety and
iniquity were committed upon the Holy Table ! They offered
birds and pine cones f in sacrifice, singing the praises of their
idols, and blaspheming even in the very Churches our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God. They burned
the books of Holy Scripture which they found in the Church;
and the Jews, the murderers of our Lord, and the godless
heathen entering irreverently (O strange boldness !) the holy
Baptistery, stripped themselves naked, and acted such a
disgraceful part, both by word and deed, as one is ashamed
even to relate. Certain impious men also, following the
examples set them in the bitterest persecutions, seized upon
the virgins, and widows, and having tied their hands together,
dragged them along, and endeavoured to make them blas-
pheme and deny the Lord ; and when they refused to do so,
they beat them violently and trampled them under foot.
§.4. 7. In addition to all this, after such a notable and illustrious
entry into the city, the Arian Gregory, taking pleasure in
these calamities, and as if desirous to secure to the heathens
and Jews, and those who had wrought these evils upon us,
a prize and price of their iniquitous success, gave up the
Church to be plundered by them. Upon this licence of
iniquity and disorder, their deeds were worse than in time of
war, and more cruel than those of robbers. Some of them
« The sister of S. Antony was one f The or suffitus of Grecian
of the earliest known inmates of a nun- sacrifices generally consisted of portions
nery, vit. Ant. §. 2. 3. They were of odoriferous trees, vid. Potter. Antiqu.
called hy the Catholic Church hy the ii. 4. Some translate the word here
title, " Spouse of Christ." Apol. ad used, (r«p0/XM*,) " shell-fish."
Const. §.33.
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Laity wounded, Nuns scourged. Monks trampled underfoot. 7
plundered whatever fell in their way; others divided among Tr. 1.4.
themselves the sums which individuals had laid up there*;
the wine, of which there was a large quantity, they either
drank or emptied out or carried away ; they plundered the
store of oil, and every one took as his spoil the doors andij >T - TW#
chancel rails; the candlesticks they forthwith laid aside in*'V(?)
the wall and lighted the candles of the Church before their
idols : in a word, rapine and death pervaded the Church. ^^° ns *
8. And the impious 8 Arians, so far from feeling shame that Const.ii.
such things should be done, added yet further outrages and^J^ 16 "
cruelty. Presbyters and laymen had their flesh torn, virgins p. 615.
were stripped of their veils 3 , and led away to the tribunal of the id°™ 0 f
governor, and then cast into prison ; others had their goods navi8 or
confiscated, and were scourged; the bread of the ministers 2
and virgins was intercepted. And these things were done&ft-
even during the holy season of Lent h , about the time of^^j^
Easter ; a time when the brethren were keeping fast, while «*••
this notable person Gregory exhibited the disposition of a
Caiaphas, and, together with that Pilate the Governor,
furiously raged against the pious worshippers of Christ.
Going into one of the Churches on the Preparation 1 , in
company with the Governor and the heathen multitude,
when he saw that the people regarded with abhorrence his
forcible entry among them, he caused that most cruel person,
the Governor, publicly to scourge in one hour, four and
thirty virgins and married women, and men of rank, and to
cast them into prison. Among whom there was one virgin,
who, being fond of reading, had the Psalter in her hands, at
the time when he caused her to be publicly scourged: the
book was seized by the officers, and the virgin herself shut
up in prison.
9. When all this was done, they did not stop even here ; §. 5.
but consulted how they might act the same part in the other
* Churches, as heathen temples be-
fore them, were used for deposits. At
the sack of Rome, Alaric spared the
Churches and their possessions ; nay,
he himself transported the costly vessels
of St Peter into his Church.
h Lent and Passion Week was the
season during which Justina's perse-
cution of St. Ambrose took place, and
the proceedings against St. Chrysostom
at Constantinople. On the Paschal
Vigils, vid. Tertull. ad Uxor. ii. 4.
p. 426, note n. Oxf. Tr.
* «*«gorxfv&, i. e. Good Friday. The
word was used for Friday generally as
early as S. Clem. Alex. Strom, vii.
p. 877. ed. Pott. vid. Constit. Apostol.
v. 13. Pseudo-Ign. ad Philipp. 13.
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8 In consequence Athanasius withdraws from the city.
Encyc. Church, where I principally abode during those days; and
they were eager to extend their fury 1 to this Church also, in
order that they might hunt out and dispatch me. And this
would have been my fate, had not the grace of Christ
assisted me, if it were only that I might escape to relate
these few particulars concerning their conduct For seeing
that they were exceedingly mad against me, and being
anxious that the Church should not be injured, nor the
virgins that were in it suffer, nor additional murders be
committed, nor the people again outraged, I withdrew
myself from among them, remembering the words of our
Mat. 10, Saviour, If they persecute you in this city f flee ye into
another. I judged from the mischief they had done to one
Church, that there was no outrage they would forbear to
perpetrate against the other, especially since they had not
* Easter reverenced even the Lord's day* on this holy Festival, but
ay " on that day when our Lord delivered all men from the bonds
of death, they had shut up in prison the people of His
Church; and Gregory and his associates, as if fighting
against our Saviour, and depending upon the support of
the Governor, had turned into mourning this day of liberty
to the servants of Christ. The heathens were rejoiced to do
this, for they abhor that day ; and Gregory perhaps did but
fulfil the commands of the Eusebians, when he forced the
Christians to mourn under the infliction of bonds.
10. With these acts of violence has the Governor seized
upon the Churches, and has given them up to Gregory and the
Arian fanatics. Thus, those persons who were excommuni-
cated by us for their impiety, now glory in the plunder of our
Churches ; while the people of God, and the Clergy of the
Catholic Church are compelled either to have communion
with the impiety of the Arian heretics, or else to forbear
entering into them. Moreover, by means of the Governor
Gregory has exercised no small violence towards the cap-
tains of ships and others who pass over sea, torturing and
scourging some, putting others in bonds, and casting them
into prison, in order to oblige them not to resist his iniquities,
3 i.e.let-and to convey letters* from him. And not satisfied with all
com. this, that he may glut himself with my blood, he has caused
munion. his savage associate the Governor, to prefer an indictment
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Hie persecution worse than in heathen times. 9
against me, as in the name of the people, before the most Tb. 1.5.
religious Emperor Constantius, which contains such odious
charges, that if they were true, I ought not only to be
banished, but should deserve to suffer a thousand deaths.
The person who drew it up is ah apostate from Christianity,
and a shameless worshipper of idols, and they who sub-
scribed it are heathens, and keepers of idol temples, and
others of them Arians. In short, not to make my letter
tedious to you, a persecution rages here, and such a perse-
cution as was never before raised against the Church. For
in former instances a man at least might pray while he fled
from his persecutors, and be baptized while he lay in con-
cealment. But now their extreme cruelty has imitated the
godless conduct of the Babylonians. For as they falsely
accused Daniel, so does the notable Gregory now accuse
before the Governor those who pray in their houses, and
watches every opportunity to insult their ministers, so that
through his violent conduct, the souls of many are endangered
from missing baptism, and many who are in sickness and sor-
row have no one to visit them, a calamity which they bitterly*
lament, accounting it worse than their sickness. For while
the ministers of the Church are under persecution, the people
who condemn the impiety of the Arian heretics choose
rather thus to be sick and to run the risk, than that a hand of
the Arians should come upon their heads.
11. Gregory then is an Arian, and has been sent to the §. 6.
Arian party ; for none demanded him, but they only ; and
accordingly as a hireling and a stranger, he makes use of the
Governor to inflict these dreadful and cruel deeds upon the
people of the Catholic Churches, as not being his own.
For since Pistus, whom the Eusebians formerly appointed
over the Arians, was justly anathematized and excommuni-
cated for his impiety by you the Bishops of the Catholic
Church, as you all know, on our writing to you concerning
him, they have now, therefore, in like manner sent this
Gregory to them ; and lest they should a second time be put
to shame, by our again writing against them, they have em-
ployed foreign force against me, in order that, having obtained
possession of the Churches, they may seem to have escaped
all suspicion of being Arians. But in this too they have
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10 Sufferings of Alexandria are sufferings of Ute whole Church
Encyc. been mistaken, for none of the people of the Church are
Lett * with them, except the heretics only, and those who have
been excommunicated for their crimes, and such as have
been compelled by the Governor to dissemble.
12. This then is the plot of the Eusebians, which they have
long been devising and bringing to bear; and now have
succeeded in accomplishing through the false charges which
they have made against me before the Emperor. Notwith-
standing, they are not yet content to be quiet, but even now
seek to kill me ; and they make themselves so formidable to
my friends, that they are all driven into banishment, and
expect death at their hands. But you must not for this
stand in awe of their iniquity, but on the contrary avenge:
and shew your indignation at this their unprecedented
conduct against me. For if when one member suffers all the
members suffer with it, and, according to the blessed Apostle,
we ought to weep with them that weep, let every one, now
that so great a Church as this is suffering, avenge its wrongs,
as though he were himself the sufferer. For we have a
common Saviour, who is blasphemed by them, and Canons
belonging to us all, which they are transgressing. If while
any of you had been sitting in your Church, and while the
people were assembled with you, without any blame, some
one had suddenly come under plea of an edict to be your
successor, and had acted the same part towards you, would
you not have been indignant? would you not have demanded
to be righted ? If so, then it is right that you should be
indignant now, lest if these things be passed over unnoticed,
the same mischief shall by degrees extend itself to every
Church, and so our schools of religion be turned into a
market-house and an exchange.
§. 7. 13. You are acquainted with the history of the Arian
fanatics, beloved, for you have often, both individually and
in a body, condemned their impiety; and you know also that
the Eusebians, as I said before, are engaged in the same
heresy ; for the sake of which they have long been carrying
on a conspiracy against me. And I have represented to
you, what has now been done, both for them and by them,
with greater cruelty than is usual even in time of war, in order
that after the example set before you in the history which I
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Eusebians really Avians, though they affect a middle line. 11
related at the beginning, you may entertain a zealous hatred Tr.1.7.
of their wickedness, and reject those who have committed
such enormities against the Church. If the brethren at
Rome last year, before these things had happened, and on
account of their former misdeeds, wrote letters to call a
Council, that these evils might be set right, (fearing which,
the Eusebians took care previously to throw the Church into
confusion, and desired to destroy me, in order that they
might thenceforth be able to act as they pleased without
fear, and might have no one to call them to account ;) how
much more ought you now to be indignant at these outrages,
and to condemn them, seeing they have added this to their
former misconduct.
14. T beseech you, overlook not such proceedings, nor
suffer the famous Church of the Alexandrians to be trodden
down by heretics. In consequence of these things the
people and their ministers are separated from one another,
as one might expect, silenced by the violence of the Prefect,
yet abhorring the impiety of the Arian fanatics. If iherefore
Gregory shall write unto you, or any other in his behalf,
^ receive not his letters, brethren, but tear them in pieces and
^ put the bearers of them to shame, as the ministers of impiety
and wickedness. And even if he presume to write to you after a
friendly fashion, nevertheless receive them not. Those who
bring his letters convey them only from fear of the Governor,
and on account of his frequent acts of violence. And since
it is probable that the Eusebians will write to you concerning
him, I was anxious to admonish you beforehand, so that you
may herein imitate God, who is no respecter of persons, and
may drive out from before you those that come from them ;
because for the sake of the Arian fanatics they caused
persecutions, rape of virgins, murders, plunder of the
Church's property, burnings and blasphemies in the Churches,
to be committed by the heathens and Jews at such a season.
The impious and mad Gregory cannot deny that he is an
Arian, being proved to be so by the person who writes his
letters. This is his secretary Ammon, who was cast out of
the Church long ago by my predecessor the blessed Alex-
ander for his many crimes and for his impiety.
15. For all these reasons, therefore, vouchsafe to send me a
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12 Conclusion.
Encyc. reply, and condemn these impious men; so that even now
^^' the ministers and people of this place, seeing your orthodoxy
and hatred of wickedness, may rejoice in your concord in the
Christian faith, and that those who have been guilty of these
lawless deeds against the Church may be reformed by your
letters, and brought at last, though late, to repentance.
Salute the brotherhood that is among you. All the brethren
that are with me salute you. Fare ye well, and remember
me, and the Lord preserve you continually, most truly beloved
Lords.
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II.
AN APOLOGY
OF OUR
HOLY FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
AGAINST THE ARIANS.
[The following Apoldgy, or Defence of his conduct, was written by S. Atha*
nasius between A.D. 349 — 352, after his return from his second exile
upon the Council of Sardica. It is scarcely more than a collection of
exculpatory documents, which might serve as a record of his innocence.
These documents extend from A.D. 300, to A.D. 350, of which those
between 340 and 350, are placed first. " This Apology," says Mont-
faucon, " is the most authentic source of the history of the Church in the
first half of the fourth century. Athanasius is far superior to any other
historians of the period, both from his bearing for the most part a
personal testimony to the facts he relates, and from his great accuracy
and use of actual documents. On the other hand, Ruffinus, Socrates,
Sozomen, Theodoret, must not be used without extreme caution, unless
they adduce documents, which is seldom the case." He proceeds to give
instances ; for this reason it will not be worth while in this work, nor was
it in the foregoing, to compare Athanasius's statements with those of
other historians, or to use the latter except in connecting the line of the
narrative. The charges which he notices are as follow : — that he had been
clandestinely consecrated; that he had imposed a duty on Egyptian
linen ; that he had assisted Philumenus with money, when in rebellion
against the Emperor ; that he had sanctioned the overthrow of a Com-
munion Table and breaking of one of the Communion Vessels ; that he
had killed a Meletian Bishop named Arsenius ; that he had been the
cause of many executions or murders after his return from Gaul ; that he
had sold for his own benefit the corn bestowed by Constantine on the widows
of the Church, and that he had stopped the supplies of corn intended for
Constantinople.]
INTRODUCTION.
1. I supposed that, after so many proofs of my innocence
had been given, my enemies would have shrunk from further
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14 Three acquittal* of Athanasius,
Apol. enquiry, and would now have condemned themselves for their
AQ ' R * false accusations of others. But as they are not yet abashed,
though they have been so clearly convicted, but, as insensible
to shame, persist in their slanderous reports against me, pro-
fessing to think that the whole matter ought to be tried over
again, (not that they may have judgment passed on them, for
that they avoid, but in order to harass me, and to disturb the
minds of the simple;) I therefore thought it necessary to make
my defence unto you, that you may listen to their murmurings
no longer, but may denounce their wickedness and base
calumnies. And it is only to you, who are men of sincere
minds, that I offer a defence : as for the contentious, 1 appeal
confidently to the decisive proofs which I have against
them. For my cause needs not a second judgment; which
has already been given, and not once or twice only, but
many times. First of all, it was tried in my own country
in an assembly of nearly one hundred of its Bishops';
a second time at Rome, when, in consequence of Letters
from Eusebius, both they and we were summoned, and
more than fifty Bishops met b ; and a third time in the
great Council assembled at Sardica* by order of the most
religious Emperors Constantius and Constans, when my
enemies were degraded as false accusers, and the sentence
that was passed in my favour received the suffrages of more
than three hundred Bishops, out of the provinces of Egypt,
Libya, and Pentapolis, Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus,
Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Mysia, Thrace, Dardania,
Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia, Siscia,
Pannonia, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscany, Campania,
Calabria, Apulia, Bruttia, Sicily, the whole of Africa, Sar-
dinia, Spain, Gaul, and Britain.
2. Added to these was the testimony d of Ursacius and Valens,
who had formerly calumniated me, but afterwards changed
their minds, and not only gave their assent to the sentence
* The Council of Sardica says eighty ; Pope Julius, §. 20.
which is a usual number in Egyptian b This was held in 341. Julius's
Councils, (vid. Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 74.) Letter is found below, §. 21 .
There were about ninety Bishops in c In A.D. 347, though Marsi, con-
Egypt, the Thebais, and Libya. The trary to other writers, maintains its
present Council was held in 339, or 340. date to be 344. vid. §. 44. infr.
Its Synodal EpiRtle is contained below, d vid. infr. §. 58. This was A.D.
§. 3. and is particularly addressed to 349.
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Google
besides the recantation of Ursacius and Valens ;
15
that was passed in my favour, but also confessed that they Tr. II.
themselves and the rest of my enemies were false accusers ; - 1>a *
for men who make such a change and such a recantation of
course reflect upon the Eusebians, for with them they had
contrived the plot against me. Now after a matter has been
examined and decided on such clear evidence by so many
eminent Bishops, every one will confess that further discus-
sion is unnecessary ; else, if an investigation be instituted at
this time, it may be again discussed and again investigated,
and there will be no end of this trifling.
3. Now the decision of so many Bishops was sufficient to §.2.
confound those who would still fain pretend some charge
against me. But when my enemies also bear testimony in
my favour and against themselves, declaring that the pro-
ceedings against me were a conspiracy, who is there that
would not be ashamed to doubt any longer? The law
requires that in the mouth of two or three witnesses judgments
shall be settled, and we have here this great multitude
of witnesses in my favour, with the addition of the proofs
afforded by my enemies ; so much so that those who still con-
tinue opposed to me no longer attach any importance to their
own arbitrary* judgment, but now have recourse to violence,
and in the place of fair reasoning seek to injure £ those by whom
they were exposed. For this is the chief cause of vexation to
them, that the measures they carried on in secret, contrived
by themselves in a corner, have been brought to light and
disclosed by Valens and Ursacius ; for they are well aware
that their recantation not only clears those whom they have
injured, but condemns them.
4. Indeed this led to their degradation in the Council of
Sardica, as mentioned before; and with good reason; for,
as the Pharisees of old, when they undertook the defence of
Paul, gave clear judgment against the conspiracy which they
and the Jews had formed against him ; and as the blessed
David was proved to be persecuted unjustly when the
e 4* Mi\tit*9. vid. infr. §. 14. de Deer, the death of Constans came into pos-
§. 3. de Syn. §. 13. ad Ep. Ag. §. 5. session of his brother's dominions ; and
f This implies that Valens and Ur- professed to have been forced to their
sacius were subjected to some kind of former recantation by the latter Em-
persecution, which is natural. They peror.
relapsed in 351, when Constantius on
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16 wko beg Athan.'s forgiveness and renounce Arianism.
Apol. persecutor confessed, / have sinned, my son David; so it
1 SamT waS t * iese men > being overcome by the truth they
26, 21. became suppliants, and addressed a letter to that effect to
Julius Bishop of Rome. They wrote also to me desiring to
be on terms of peace with me, though they have spread such
reports concerning me; and probably even now they are
covered with shame, on seeing that those whom they sought
to destroy by the grace of the Lord are still alive. Con-
sistently also with this conduct they anathematized Arius
and his heresy ; for knowing that the Eusebians had conspired
against me in behalf of their own misbelief, and of nothing
else, as soon as they had determined to confess their
calumnies against me, they immediately renounced also that
antichristian heresy for the sake of which they had falsely
asserted them.
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CHAP. I.
ENCYCLICAL LETTER OF THE COUNCIL OF EGYPT.
1. The following are the letters written in my favour by the
Bishops in the several Councils; and first the letter of the
Egyptian Bishops.
The holy Council assembled at Alexandria, out of Egypt,
the Thebais, Libya, and Pentapolis, to the Bishops of the
Catholic Church everywhere, brethren beloved and greatly
longed for, sendeth health in the Lord.
Dearly beloved brethren, we might have put forth a §. 3.
defence of our brother Athanasius 1 , as respects the con-i „\xu-
spiracy of the Eusebians against him, and complained of rw * yo#
his sufferings at their hands, and have exposed all their false
charges, either at the beginning of their conspiracy or upon
his arrival at Alexandria. But circumstances did not permit
it then, as you also know ; and lately, after the return of the
Bishop Athanasius, we thought that they would be confounded
and covered with shame at their manifest injustice : in con-
sequence we prevailed with ourselves to remain silent.
Since, however, after all his severe sufferings, after his
retirement into Gaul, after his sojourn in a foreign and far
distant country in the place of his own, after his narrow
escape from death through their calumnies, but for the
clemency of the Emperor, — distress which would have satis-
fied even the most cruel enemy, — still they are insensible to
shame, and are again raging against the Church and Atha-
nasius ; and from indignation at his deliverance venture on
still more atrocious schemes against him, and are ready with
any accusation, fearless of the words in holy Scripture, A Prov.
false witness shall not be unpunished; and, The mouth that^f\^ A
c 11.
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18 Calumnies of the Eusebians against Athanasius
Apol. belieth slayeth the soul; we therefore are unable longer to
kQ ' Ar ' hold our peace, being amazed at their wickedness and at the
insatiable love of contention displayed in their treacherous
proceedings.
2. For see, they cease not to disturb the ear of royalty with
fresh reports against us; they cease not to write letters
of deadly import, for the destruction of the Bishop who is
the enemy of their impiety. For again have they written to the
Emperors against him ; again are they conspiring against
him, charging him with a butchery which has never taken
place ; again they wish to shed his blood, accusing him of a
murder that never was committed, (for at that former time
would they have murdered him by their calumnies, had we
not found favour with the Emperor ;) again they are urgent, to
say the least, that he should be sent into banishment, while
they pretend to lament the miseries of the exiles, as though
they had been exiled by him. They lament before us things
that have never been done, and, not satisfied with what has
been done to him, desire to add thereto other and more cruel
treatment.
3. So mild are they and merciful, and of so just a disposition;
or rather (for the truth shall be spoken) so wicked are they
and malicious; obtaining respect through fear and by threats,
rather than by their piety and justice, as becomes Bishops.
They have dared in their letters to the Emperors to pour
forth language such as no contentious person would employ
even among those that are without ; they have charged him
with a number of murders and butcheries, and that not before
a Governor, or any other superior officer, but before the three
Augusti; nor shrink they from any journey however long,
provided only all the greater courts may be filled with their
accusations. For indeed, dearly beloved, their business con-
sists in accusations, and that of the most solemn character,
forasmuch as the tribunals to which they make their appeal
are the most solemn of any upon earth. And what other end
do they propose by these investigations, except to move the
Emperor to capital punishment ?
§.4. 4. Their own conduct therefore, and not that of Athanasius,
is the fittest subject for lamentation and mourning, and one
would more properly lament them, for such actions ought to
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most inconsistent in Bishops,
19
be bewailed, since it is written, Weep ye not for the dead, Tr. II.
neither bemoan him : but weep sore for him that goeth away,
for he shall return no more. For their whole letter speaks of 10. '
nothing but his death ; and their endeavour is to kill, when-
ever they may be permitted, or if not, to drive into exile.
And this they were permitted to do by the most religious
father of the Emperors, who gratified their fury by the
banishment of Athanasius, though not by his death. Now
that this is not the conduct even of ordinary Christians, (nay,
even of heathens,) much less of Bishops, who profess to
teach others righteousness, we suppose that your Christian
consciences must at once perceive. How can they forbid
others to accuse their brethren, who themselves become their
accusers, and that to the Emperors ? How can they teach
compassion for the misfortunes of others, who cannot rest
satisfied even with our banishment? For there was con-
fessedly a general sentence of banishment against us Bishops,
and we all looked upon ourselves as banished men : and now
again we consider ourselves as restored with Athanasius to
our native country, and in the place of our former lamenta-
tions and mourning over him, as having the greatest encou-
ragement and grace, — which may the Lord continue to us, nor
suffer the Eusebians to destroy !
5. Even if their charges against him were true, here is a
certain charge against them, that against the precept of Chris-
tianity, and after his banishment and trials, they have assaulted
him again, and accuse him of murder, and butchery, and other
crimes, which they sound in the royal ears against the
Bishops. But how exceeding manifold is their wickedness,
and what manrfer of men think you them, when every word
they speak is false, every charge they bring a calumny, and
there is no truth whatever either in their speeches or their
writings ! However, let us now enter upon these matters, and
meet their last charges. This will prove, that in their former
representations in the Council and at the trial their conduct
was dishonourable, or rather their words untrue, besides
exposing them for what they have now advanced.
6. We are indeed ashamed to make any defence against §. 5.
such charges. But since our reckless accusers lay hold of
any charge, and allege that murders and butcheries were
c2
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20 His murders but civil executions in his absence.
Apol. committed after the return of Athanasius, we beseech
— '■ — -you to bear with our answer though it be somewhat
long; for circumstances constrain us. No murder was
committed either by Athanasius or on his account, since
our accusers, as we said before, compel us to enter upon this
strange apology. Slaughter and imprisonment are foreign to
our Church. No one did Athanasius commit into the hands of
the executioner ; and the prison, so far as he was concerned,
was never disturbed. Our sanctuaries are now, as they have
always been, pure, and honoured only with the Blood of
Christ and His pious worship. Neither Presbyter nor
Deacon was destroyed by Athanasius; he perpetrated no
murder, he caused the banishment of no one. Would that
they had never caused the like to him, nor given him actual
experience of it ! No one here was banished on his account ;
no one at all except Athanasius himself the Bishop of
Alexandria, whom they banished, and whom, now that he is
restored, they again seek to entangle in the same or even a
more cruel plot than before, setting their tongues to speak
all manner of false and deadly words against him.
7. For, behold, they now attribute to him the acts of the
magistrates; and although they plainly confess in their
letter that the Prefect of Egypt passed sentence upon certain
persons, they now are not ashamed to impute this sentence to
Athanasius ; and that, though he had not at the time entered
Alexandria, but was yet on his return from his place of exile.
Indeed he was then in Syria ; since we must needs adduce
in his defence his length of way from home, that a man may
not be responsible for the actions of a Governor or Prefect of
Egypt. But supposing Athanasius had been in Alexandria,
what were the proceedings of the Prefect to Athanasius?
However, he was not even in the country; and what the
Prefect of Egypt did was not done on ecclesiastical grounds,
but for reasons which you will learn from the records, which,
after we understood what they had written, we made diligent
enquiry for, and have transmitted to you. Since then they
now raise a cry against certain things which were never done
either by him or for him, as though they had certainly taken
place, and testify against such evils as though they were
assured of their existence ; let them inform us from what
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Why the Eusebians were enemies of Athanasius. 21
Council they obtained their knowledge of them, from what Tr. II.
proofs, and in the course of what investigation ? But if they —
have no such evidence to bring forward, and nothing but
their own mere assertion, we leave it to you to consider as
regards their former charges also, how the things took place,
and why they so speak of them. In truth, it is nothing but
calumny, and a plot of our enemies, and anger full of
atrocious projects, and an impiety in behalf of the Arian
fanatics 1 , which is frantic against true godliness, and desires 'or Ario-
to root out the orthodox, so that henceforth the advocates of Tempos-
impiety may preach without fear whatever doctrines they w ' w, •
please. The history of the matter is as follows : —
8. When Alius, from whom the* heresy of the Arian §.6.
fanatics has its name, was cast out of the Church for his
impiety by Bishop Alexander, of blessed memory, the
Eusebians, who are the disciples and partners of his impiety,
considering themselves also to have been ejected, wrote
frequently to the Bishop Alexander, beseeching him not to
keep the heretic Arius out of the Church. But when
Alexander in his piety towards Christ refused to admit that
impious man, they directed their resentment against Atha-
nasius, who was then a Deacon, because in their busy
enquiries they had heard that he was much in the familiarity
of Alexander the Bishop, and much honoured by him. And
their hatred of him was greatly increased after they had expe-
rience of his piety* towards Christ, in the Council assembled 9 >• «•
at Nicsea, wherein he spoke boldly against the impiety of thea 0 x£
Arian fanatics. But when God raised him to the Episcopate,
their long-cherished malice burst forth into a flame, and fearing
his orthodoxy and resistance of their impiety, they (and espe-
cially Eusebius, who was smitten with a consciousness of his
own evil doings,) engaged in all manner of treacherous designs
against him. They prejudiced the Emperor against him ;
they frequently threatened him with Councils ; and at last
assembled at Tyre ; and to this day they cease not to write
against him, and are so implacable that they even find fault
with his appointment to the Episcopate*, taking every means
* The Ensebians alleged that, fifty- bled for tbe election, and having sworn
four Bishops of the two parties of S. to elect by the common voice, six or
Alexander and Meletins being assem- seven of these broke their oaths in
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22 Athanasius* s election canonical.
Apol. of shewing their enmity and hatred towards him, and
^lA^* spreading false reports for the sole purpose of thereby de-
stroying his character.
9. However, the very misrepresentations which they now are
makiug, do but convict their former statements of being false-
hoods, and a mere conspiracy against him. For they say,
that " after the death of the Bishop Alexander, a certain few-
having mentioned the name of Athanasius, six or seven
Bishops elected him clandestinely in a secret place:" and
this is what they wrote to the Emperors, having no scruple
about asserting the greatest falsehoods. Now that the whole
multitude and all the people of the Catholic Church assembled
together as with one mind and body, and cried, shouted, that
Athanasius should be Bishop of their Church, made this the
subject of their public prayers to Christ, and conjured us to
grant it for many days and nights, neither departing them-
selves from the Church, nor suffering us to do so ; of all this
we are witnesses, and so is the whole city, and the province
too. Not a word did they speak against him, as these persons
represented, but gave him the most excellent titles they
could devise, calling him the good, the pious, Christian, an
ascetic b , a genuine Bishop. And that he was elected by a
majority of our body in the sight and with the acclamations
of all the people, we who elected him also testify, who are
surely more credible witnesses than those who were not
present, and now spread these false accounts.
1 Of Ni- io. But yet Eusebius 1 finds fault with the appointment of
come- * , . , , i i .
dia. Athanasius, — he who perhaps never received any appointment
favour of S. Athanasius, whom no one
had thought of, and consecrated him in
secret to the great surprise and scandal
of both ecclesiastical and lay persons,
vid. Socr. ii. 17. Philostorgius (A.D.
425.) adds particulars, explanatory or
corrective of this statement, of which
the Bishops in the text do not seem to
have heard ; viz. that Athanasius with
his party one night seized on the Church
of St. Dionysius, and compelled two
Bishops whom he found there to con-
secrate him against their will ; that he
was in consequence anathematized by
all the other Bishops, but that, fortify-
ing himself in his position, he sent in
his election to the Emperor, and by this
means obtained its confirmation. Hist,
ii. 16. It appears, in matter of fact,
that S. Athan. was absent at the time
of his election; as Socrates says, in
order to avoid it, or as Epiphanius, on
business at the Court; these reasons
are compatible.
b It is contested whether S. Athan.
was ever one of S. Antony's monks, the
reading of a passage in the commence-
ment of his Vit. Ant., which would
decide the question, varying in different
MSS. The word " ascetic" is used of
those who lived a life, as afterwards
followed in Monasteries, in the Ante-
Nicene times.
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Uncanonical appointment of Eusebius himself. 23
to his office at all ; or if he did, has himself rendered it invalid c . Tb. II.
• 6 7
For he had first the See of Berytus, but leaving that he came —
to Nicomedia. He left the one contrary to the law, and
contrary to the law invaded the other ; he deserted his own
See for he failed in affection, and took possession of another's
though he failed in a plea ; he lost his love for the first in
his lust for another, nor retained that love for the second
which his lust had occasioned. For, behold, withdrawing
himself from the second, again he takes possession of
another's, casting an evil eye all around him upon the cities
of other men, and thinking that godliness 1 consists in wealth 1 •W-
and in the greatness of cities, and making light of thefJSS.
heritage of God to which he had been appointed; no ^^ y,
knowing that where even two or three are gathered in the 1 Tim.
name of the Lord, there is the Lord in the midst of them ; Jj*^
not considering the words of the Apostle, / will not boast in 18, 20.
another marts labours; not perceiving the charge which he^i^
has given, Art thou bound unto a wife? seek not to be*Coj'
loosed. For if this expression applies to a wife, how much '
more does it apply to a Church, and to the same Epis-
copate; to which whosoever is bouud ought not to seek
another, lest he prove an adulterer according to holy
Scripture.
11. But though conscious of these his own misdoings, he §. 7.
has boldly undertaken to arraign the appointment of Atha-
nasius, to which honourable testimony has been borne by
all; and he ventures to reproach him with his deposition,
though he has been deposed himself, and has a standing proof
of his deposition in the appointment of another. How could
either he or Theognius d degrade another, after they had been
degraded themselves, which is sufficiently proved by the ap-
pointment of others in their room ? For you know very well that
.« The Canons of Nicaea and Sardioa Cassiodor. Hist. xii. 8. Niceph. Hist,
were absolute against translation, but, xiv. 39. Cotelier adds others ad Can.
as Bingham observes, Antiqu. vi. 4. Apost. 14.
§. 6. only as a general rule. The so- d Or Theognis ; he was, as well as
called Apostolical Canons except " a Eusebius, a pupil of Lucian's, and was
reasonable cause" and the sanction of a deposed together with him after the
Council; one of the Councils of Car- Nicene Council for communicating with
thage prohibit them when subserving Arians. Constantine banished them to
ambitious views, and except for the Gaul ; they were recalled in the course
advantage of the Church. Vid. list of of two or three years. He was dead by
translations in Soor. Hist. vii. 36. the date of the Council of Sardica.
J
24 Eusebians pretend to care for Councils to annul the Nicene,
Apol. there were appointed instead of them Amphion to Nicomedia
AG - Aw » and Chrestus to Nicsea, in consequence of their own impiety
and connection with the Arian fanatics, who were rejected
by the Ecumenic Council. But while they desire to set
aside that true Council, they endeavour to give that name
1 Euse- to their own unlawful combination 1 ; while they are un-
Council willing that the decrees of the Council should be enforced,
^ Tyre, t ne y desire to enforce their own decisions; and they use
sals." the name of a Council, while they refuse to submit them-
selves to one so great as this. Thus they care not for
Councils, but only pretend to do so in order that they may
root out the orthodox, and annul the decrees of the true and
great Council against the Arians, in support of whom, both
now and heretofore, they have ventured to assert these
falsehoods against the Bishop Athanasius. For their former
statements resembled those they have now made, viz. that
2 On his disorderly meetings were held at his entrance *, with lamentation
from 11 an ^ mourning, the people indignantly refusing to receive
Gwdj him. Now such was not the case, but, on the other hand,
338. joy and cheerfulness prevailed, and the people ran together,
hastening to obtain the desired sight of him. The Churches
were full of rejoicings, and thanksgivings were offered up to
the Lord every where ; and all the Ministers and Clergy
beheld him with such feelings, that their souls were possessed
with delight, and they esteemed that the happiest day of
their lives. Why need we mention the inexpressible joy
that prevailed among us Bishops, for we have already said
that we counted ourselves to have been partakers in his
sufferings ?
8. 12. Now this being confessedly the truth of the matter,
although it is very differently represented by them, what
weight can be attached to that Council or trial of which
they make their boast? Since they presume thus to con-
trovert the circumstances of a case which they did not
witness, which they have not examined, and for which they
did not meet, and to write as though they were assured
of the truth of their statements, how can they claim credit
respecting those matters for the consideration of which they
say that they did meet together ? Will it not rather be believed
that they have acted both in the one case and in the other
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tho* not in a state to hold a Council>and their own tyrannicalM
out of enmity to us ? For what kind of a Council of Bishops T*. II.
was then held ? Was it an assembly which aimed at the — — —
truth ? Was not almost every one among them our enemy ?
Did not the attack of the Eusebians upon us proceed from
their zeal for the Arian fanaticism ? Did they not urge on
the others of their party? Have we not always written
against them as professing the doctrines of Arius ? Was not
Eusebius of Caesarea in Palestine accused by our con-
fessors of sacrificing to idols*? Was not George proved
to have been degraded by the blessed Alexander f ? Were not
they charged with various offences, some with this, some
with that ?
13. How then could such men entertain the purpose of hold-
ing a meeting against us ? How can they have the boldness to
call that a Council, at which a single Count presided, which
an executioner attended, and where a chief jailor instead of
the Deacons of the Church introduced us into Court ; and
where the Count only spoke, and all present held their peace,
or rather obeyed his directions? The removal of those
Bishops who seemed to deserve it, was prevented at his
desire ; and when he gave the order we were dragged about
by soldiers ; — or rather the Eusebians gave the order, and he
was subservient to their will. In short, dearly beloved, what
kind of Council was that, the object of which was banish-
ment and murder at the pleasure of the Emperor ? And of
what nature were their charges ? — for here is matter of still
greater astonishment. There was one Arsenius whom they
declared to have been murdered ; and they also complained
that a chalice belonging to the sacred mysteries had been
broken.
14. Now Arsenius is alive, and prays to be admitted to
our communion. He waits for no other testimony to prove
that he is still living, but himself confesses it, writing
in his own person to our brother Athanasius, whom they
e At the Council of Tyre, Potamo himself, which is unlike him, if it was
an Egyptian Bishop and Confessor producible.
asked Eusebius what had happened to f George, Bishop of Laodicea, had
Aim in prison during the persecution, been degraded when a Priest by S.
Epiph. Haer. 68, 7. as if hinting at his Alexander, for his profligate habits as
cowardice. It appears that Eusebius well as his Arianism. A than, speaks of
was prisoner at Caesarea with S. Pam- him elsewhere as reprobated even by
philus ; yet he never mentions the fact his party, de Fug. 26.
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26 Athan. accused of the murder of Arsenius who was alive.
A pol. positively asserted to be his murderer. The impious wretches
AO. Ar. were not ag^amed to accuse him of having murdered a man
who was at a great distance from him, being separated by an
immense tract both of land and water, and whose abode at that
time no one knew. Nay, they even had the boldness to remove
him out of sight, and place him in concealment, though he had
suffered no injury ; and, if it had been possible, they would
have transported him to another world, nay, or have taken him
from life in earnest, so that either by a true or false statement
of his murder they might in as good earnest destroy Atha-
nasius. But thanks to divine Providence for this also,
which permitted them not to succeed in their injustice, but
presented Arsenius alive to the eyes of all men, who has
clearly proved their conspiracy and calumnies. He does not
withdraw from us as murderers, nor hate us as having injured
him, (for indeed he has suffered no evil at all ;) but he
desires to hold communion with us; he wishes to be ad-
mitted among us, and has written to this effect.
§. 9. 15. Nevertheless they laid their plot against Athanasius,
accusing him of having murdered a person who was still
alive ; and those same men are the authors of his banish -
ibyCon-ment 1 . For it was not the father of the Emperors, but their
stantme ca ] umn j eS) ^ na ^ sen t hj m ' m i 0 exile. Consider whether this
Gatf, is not the truth. When nothing was discovered to the
335. prejudice of our brother Athanasius, but still the Count
threatened him with violence, and was very zealous against
2 i. e. to him, the Bishop g , in order to avoid this violence, went up 2 to
stanti- tne most religious Emperor, where he protested against the
nople. Count and their conspiracy against him, and requested
either that a lawful Council of Bishops might be assembled,
% The circumstances of this appeal,
which are related by Athan. below,
$. 86. are thus summed up by Gibbon ;
" Before the final sentence could be
pronounced at Tyre, the intrepid pri-
mate threw himself into a bark which
was ready to hoist sail for the imperial
city. The request of a formal audience
might have been opposed or eluded;
but Athanasius concealed his arrival,
watched the moment of Constantine's
return from an adjacent villa, and
boldly encountered his angry sovereign
as he passed on horseback through the
principal street of Constantinople. So
strange an apparition excited his sur-
prise and indignation ; and the guards
were ordered to remove the importunate
suitor; but his resentment was subdued
by involuntary respect ; and the haugh-
ty spirit of the Emperor was awed by
the courage and eloquence of a Bishop,
who implored his justice and awakened
his conscience." Hist. xxi. Athan.
was a small man in person.
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Then charged with political crimes and banished. 27
or that the Emperor would himself receive his defence con- Tr. II.
cerning the charges they brought against him. Upon this 9 ' 10 '
the Emperor wrote in anger, summoning them before him,
and declaring that he would hear the cause himself, and for
that purpose he also ordered a Council to be held. Where-
upon the Eusebians went up and charged Athanasius, not
with the same offences which they had published against
him at Tyre, but with an intention of detaining the vessels
laden with corn, as though Athanasius had been the man to
pretend that he could stop the exports of corn from Alex-
andria to Constantinople.
16. Certain of our friends were present at the palace with
Athanasius, and heard the threats of the Emperor upon
receiving this report. And when Athanasius exclaimed
against the calumny, and positively declared that it was not
true ; (for how, he argued, should he a poor man, and in a
private station, be able to do such a thing ?) Eusebius did
not hesitate publicly to repeat the charge, and swore that
Athanasius was a rich man, and powerful, and able to do
any thing; from which it might be supposed that he had
used this language. Such was the accusation these venerable
Bishops proffered against him. But the grace of God
proved superior to their wickedness, for it moved the pious
Emperor to mercy, who instead of death passed upon him
the sentence of banishment. Thus their calumnies, and
nothing else, were the cause of this. For the Emperor, in
the letter which he previously wrote, complained of their
conspiracy, censured their machinations, and condemned the
Meletians as unrighteous and deserving of execration; in
short, expressed himself in the severest terms concerning
them. For he was greatly moved when he heard the story
of the dead alive ; he was moved at hearing of this murder
of one who lived after it without loss of life. We have sent
you the letter.
17. But these marvellous Eusebians, to make a show of §. 10.
refuting the truth of the case, and the statements contained
in this letter, put forward the name of a Council, and
ground its proceedings upon the authority of the Emperor.
Hence the attendance of a Count at their meeting, and the
soldiers as guards of the Bishops, and royal letters corn-
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28 Found guilty of the murder, though cleat ed by Const an tine,
Apol. pelting the attendance of any persons whom they required.
AG * Ar * But observe here the strange character of their machinations,
and the inconsistency of their bold measures, so that by
some means or other they may take Athanasius away from
us. For if as Bishops they claimed for themselves alone the
judgment of the case, what need was there for the attend-
ance of a Count and soldiers ? or how was it that they
assembled under the sanction of royal letters ? Or if they
required the Emperor's countenance and wished to derive
their authority from him, why did they then entrench upon
his judgment ? and when he declared in the letter which he
wrote, that the Meletians were profligate calumniators, and
that Athanasius was most innocent, and enlarged upon the
pretended murder of the living, how was it that they de-
termined that the Meletians had spoken the truth, and that
Athanasius was guilty of the offence ; and were not ashamed
to make the living dead, living both after the Emperor's
judgment, and at the time when they met together, and who
even until this day is amongst us ? So much concerning the
case of Arsenius.
§. 11. 18. And as for the chalice belonging to the mysteries,
what was it, or where was it broken by Macarius ? for this is
the report which they spread up and down. But for Atha-
nasius, even his accusers would not have ventured to blame
him, had they not been suborned by them. However, they
attribute the origin of the offence to him ; although it ought
not to be imputed even to Macarius who is clear of it. And
they are not ashamed to parade the sacred mysteries before
Catechumens, and worse than that, even before heathens b :
Tob.i2, wnereas 5 tne y ought to attend to what is written, It is good
7 9 to keep close the secret of a king; and as the Lord has
Matt 7, charged us, Give not that which is holy unto the dogs,
6# neither cast ye your pearls before swine. We ought not
then to parade the holy mysteries before the uninitiated, lest
the heathen in their ignorance deride them, and the Cate-
h This period, when Christianity was
acknowledged by the state but not em-
braced by the population, is just the
time when we hear most of this Reserve
as a principle. While Christians were
but a sect, persecution enforced a dis-
cipline, and when they were commen-
surate with the nation, faith made it
unnecessary. We are now returned to
the state of the fourth century.
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andqfthebrokenchalice y wherenoChurch^Priest,orService. 29
chumens being over-curious be offended. However, what Tn. II.
was the chalice, and where and before whom was it broken ? n *
It is the Meletians who make the accusation, who are not
worthy of the least credit, for they have been schismatics
and enemies of the Church, not of a recent date, but from
the times of the blessed Peter, Bishop and Martyr 1 . They
formed a conspiracy against Peter himself; they calumniated
his successor Achillas ; they accused Alexander even before
the Emperor ; and being thus well versed in these arts, they
have now transferred their enmity to Athanasius, acting alto-
gether in accordance with their former wickedness. For as
they slandered those that have been before him, so now they
have slandered him. But their calumnies and false accusa-
tions have never prevailed against him until now, that they
have got the Eusebians for their assistants and patrons, on
account of the impiety 1 which these have adopted from thei i. e .
Arian fanatics, which has led them to conspire against many here ?y>
Bishops, and among the rest Athanasius.
19. Now the place where they say the chalice was broken, was
not a Church ; there was no Presbyter in occupation of the
place ; and the day on which they say that Macarius did the
deed, was not the Lord's day. Since then there was no Church
there ; since there was no one to perform the priest's office ;
and since the day did not require the use of it k ; what was this
sacred chalice, and when, or where was it broken ? There
are many cups, it is plain, both in private houses, and in the
public market ; and if a person breaks one of them, he is not
guilty of impiety. But the chalice which belongs to the
mysteries, and which if it be broken intentionally, makes the
perpetrator of the deed an impious person, is found only
among those who are lawfully appointed to preside over the
Church. This is the only description that can be* given of
this kind of chalice ; there is none other ; of this you drink
prior to the people ; this you have received according to the
canon of the Church f ; this belongs only to those who preside 2 ^
Can.
Ap. 65.
1 Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis in Egypt, In the same persecution S.
the Thebaid, being deposed for lapsing Peter suffered.
in the Dioclesian Persecution, sepa- k This seems to imply that the Holy
rated from the Catholic Church and Communion was only celebrated on
commenced a succession of his own in Sundays in the Egyptian Churches.
Digitized by
30 Eusebians build a Church there, as the accuser's reward.
Apol. over the Catholic Church, for to you only it appertains to
j^ 'haye the first taste 1 of the Blood of Christ, and to none
besides. But as he who breaks a sacred cup is an impious
person, much more impious is he who treats the Blood of
Christ with contumely : and he does so who performs this
mystical rite contrary to the rule of the Church ; — (we say
this, not as if a chalice even of the schismatics was broken
by Macarius, for there was no chalice there at all ; how
should there be ? where there was neither Lord's house nor
any one belonging to the Church, nay, it was not the time of
the celebration of the mysteries;) — now such a person is the
notorious Ischyras, who was never appointed to his office by
the Church, and when Alexander admitted the Presbyters
that had been ordained by Meletius, he was not even
numbered amongst them ; and therefore did not receive
ordination even from that quarter.
§. 12. 20. By what means then did Ischyras become a Presbyter 1 ?
who was it that ordained him ? was it Colluthus ? for this is
the only supposition that remains. But it is well known,
and no one has any doubt about the matter, that Colluthus
died a Presbyter, and that every ordination of his was invalid,
and that all that were ordained by him during the schism
were reduced to the condition of laymen, and in that rank
appear in the congregation. How then can it be believed
that a private person, occupying a private house, had in his
possession a sacred chalice ? But the truth is, they gave the
name of Presbyter at the time to a private person, and
gratified him with this title to support him in his iniquitous
conduct towards us; and now as the reward of his
accusations they procure for him the erection of a Church.
So that this man had then no Church ; but as the reward of
his malio£ and subserviency to them in accusing us, he
receives now what he had not before; nay, perhaps they
have even remunerated his services with the Episcopate, for
so he goes about reporting, and accordingly behaves towards
us with great insolence. Thus are such rewards as these
now bestowed by Bishops upon accusers and calumniators ;
though indeed it is reasonable, in the case of an accomplice,
1 Vid. Bp. Taylor, Episcop. Assert. §. 32. Potter on Church Gov. ch. v.
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To mend their cause >, they appoint Commission to Mareotis. 31
that as they have made him a partner in their proceedings, Tr. II.
so they should also make him their associate in their own 12 ~ J4 '
Episcopate. But this is not all ; give ear yet further to their
proceedings at that time.
21. Being unable to prevail against the truth, though §. 13.
they had thus set themselves in array against it, and Ischyras
having proved nothing at Tyre, except that he was a
calumniator, and the calumny ruining their plot, they defer
proceedings until they obtain fresh evidence, and propose to
send to the Mareotis certain of their party to enquire
diligently into the matter. Accordingly they dispatched
secretly, with the assistance of the civil power, persons to
whom we openly objected on many accounts, as being of
the party of Arius, and therefore our enemies; namely,
Diognius, Maris, Theodoras, Macedonius, and two others,
young both in years and mind m , Ursacius and Valens from
Pannonia; who, after they had undertaken this long journey
for the purpose of obtaining justice against their enemy, set
out again from Tyre for Alexandria. They did not shrink
from becoming witnesses themselves, although they were the
judges, but openly adopted every means of furthering their
design, and undertook any labour or journey whatsoever in
order to bring to a successful issue the conspiracy which
was in progress. They left the Bishop Athanasius detained
in a foreign country while they themselves entered their
enemy's city, as if to have their revel both against his Church
and against his people. And what was more outrageous still,
they took with them the accuser Ischyras, but would not permit
Macarius, the accused person, to accompany them, but left
him in custody at Tyre. For " Macarius the Presbyter of
Alexandria" was made answerable for the charge far and
near. %
22. They therefore entered Alexandria alone with the accuser, §. 14.
their partner in lodging, board, and wine-cup ; and taking with
them Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt they proceeded to the
Mareotis, and there carried on the investigation by them-
selves, all their own way, with the forementioned person.
Although the Presbyters frequently begged that they might
m Vid. also Athan. ad Ep. JEg. 7. i. 5. Fragm. ii. 12.
Euseb. Vit. c. iv. 43. Hilar, ad Const.
32 Indecent conduct of the Commission.
Apol. be present, they would not permit them. The Presbyters
aq ' Ab ' both of the city and of the whole country desired to attend,
that they might detect who and whence the persons were
who were suborned by Ischyras. But they forbade the
Ministers to be present, while they carried on the examination
concerning the Church, the chalice, the table, and the holy
things, before the heathen; nay, worse than that, they
summoned heathen witnesses during the enquiry concerning
the sacred chalice; and those persons who they affirmed were
taken out of the way by Athanasius by means of the summons
of the Receiver-general, and they knew not where in the
world they were, these same individuals they brought forward
before themselves and the Prefect only, and avowedly used
their testimony, whom they affirmed without shame to have
been secreted by the Bishop Athanasius.
23. But here too their only object is to effect his death, and
so they again pretend that persons are dead who are still alive,
following the same method they adopted in the case of
Arsenius. For the men are living, and are to be seen in
their own country ; but to you who are at a great distance
from the spot they give a tragical representation of the
matter as though they had disappeared, in order that, as the
evidence is so far removed from you, they may falsely accuse
our brother-minister, as though he used violence aud the civil
power ; whereas they themselves have in all respects acted
by means of that power and the countenance of others.
For their proceedings in the Mareotis were parallel to those
at Tyre ; and as there a Count attended with military assist-
ance, and would permit nothing either to be said or done
contrary to their pleasure, so here also the Prefect of Egypt
was present with a band of men, frightening all the members
of the Church, and permitting no one to give true testimony.
And what was the strangest thing of all, the persons who
came, whether as judges or witnesses, or, what was more
likely, in order to serve their own purposes and those of
Eusebius, lived in the same place with the accuser, even in
his house, and there seemed to cany on the investigation as
they pleased.
§. 15. 24. We suppose you are not ignorant what outrages they
committed at Alexandria ; for they are reported every where.
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Outrages of the Arian party at Alexandria. 38
They attacked the holy virgins and brethren with naked Tr. II.
swords; they beat with scourges their persons, esteemed 16 ' Ig '
honourable in the sight of God, so that their feet were lamed
by the stripes, whose souls are whole and sound in purity and
all good works 1 . The trades* were excited against them; 1 Hist,
and the heathen multitude was set to strip them naked, to 12.
beat them, wantonly to insult them, and to threaten them Vj^j
with their altars and sacrifices. And one coarse fellow, as
though license had now been given them by the Prefect in
order to gratify the Bishops, took hold of a virgin by the
hand, and dragged her towards an altar that happened to be
near, imitating the practice of compelling to offer sacrifice in
time of persecution. When this was done, the virgins took
to flight, and a shout of laughter was raised by the heathen
against the Church; the Bishops being in the place, and
occupying the very house where this was going on; and
from which, in order to obtain favour with them, the virgins
were assaulted with naked swords, and were exposed to all
kinds of danger, and insult, and wanton violence. And this
treatment they received during a season of fasting 3 , and at 3 supr.
the hands of persons who themselves were feasting with the p * 7 *
Bishops in that house.
25. Foreseeing these things, and reflecting that the entrance §. 16.
of enemies into a place is no ordinary calamity, we protested
against this commission. And Alexander 0 , Bishop of Thes-
salonica, considering the same, wrote to the people residing
there, discovering the conspiracy, and testifying of the plot.
They indeed reckon him to be one of themselves, and
account him a partner in their designs; but they only prove
thereby the violence they have exercised towards him. For
even the profligate Ischyras himself was only induced by
fear and violence to proceed in the matter, and was obliged
by force to undertake the accusation. As a proof of this,
he wrote himself to our brother Athanasius 4 , confessing that 4 infr.
nothing of the kind that was alleged had taken place there, 64 '
■ This Alexander bad been one of cbre was consecrated, and afterwards
the Nicene Fathers, in 325, and had Arins admitted to communion. His in-
the office of publishing their decrees in fluence with the Court party seems to
Macedonia, Greece, &c. He was at have been great, judging from Count
the Council of Jerusalem ten years after, Dionysius's tone in speaking of him,
at which the Church of the Holy Sepul- infr. §. 81.
D
34 Documents in refutation of the Eusebian charge* against A th.
Apol. but that he was suborned to make a false statement. This
aq. Ar. declaration he made, though he was never admitted by
Athanasius as a Presbyter, nor received that title from him
as a boon, nor was entrusted by way of recompense with the
erection of a Church, nor expected the bribe of a Bishopric ;
all of which he obtained from them in return for undertaking
1 vid the accusation. Moreover, his whole family held communion
infr. §.63 with us 1 , which they would not have done had they been
An! ^ 86 injured in the slightest degree.
§. 17. 26. Now to prove that these things are facts and not mere
2 iT ^ r - assertions, we have the testimony* of all the Presbyters of the
*" 4 * Mareotis °, who always accompany the Bishop in his visitations,
and who also wrote at the time against Ischyras. But neither
those of them who came to Tyre were allowed to declare the
3 infr. truth 3 , nor could those who remained in the Mareotis obtain
« §. 72 permission to refute the calumnies of Ischyras 4 . Copies also
fin - of the letters of Alexander, and of the Presbyters, and of
Ischyras, will prove the same thing. We have sent also the
letter of the father of the Emperors, in which he expresses
his indignation that the murder of Arsenius was charged
upon any one while the man was still alive ; as also his
astonishment at the variable and' inconsistent character of
their accusations with respect to the chalice; since at one
time they accused the Presbyter Macarius, at another the
Bishop Athanasius, of having broken it with his hands. He
declares also on the one hand that the Meletians are calum-
niators, and on the other that Athanasius is perfectly innocent.
27. And are not the Meletians calumniators, and above
*Ar- all John 5 , who after coming into the Church, and com-
infr^65 niunicating with us, after condemning himself, and no
fi^headlonger taking any part in the proceedings respecting the
Meleti- chalice, when he saw the Eusebians zealously supporting the
Arian fanatics, though they had not the daring to cooperate
with them openly, but were attempting to employ others as
their masks, undertook a character, as an actor in the heathen
6 vid. theatres 6 ? The subiect of the drama was the contest of the
infr. §. J
37. 46.
vol. 8. 0 The district, oalled Mareotis from Priests, and of hamlets which had
p. 127. a neighbouring lake, lay in the territory none ; of the latter was " the Peace of
note g. an( * diocese of Alexandria, to the west. Secontaruri," (infr. §. 86.) where Ischy-
It consisted of various large villages, ras lived.
with handsome Churches, and resident
ans.
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Inconsistency of Eusebians in making them. 35
Arians ; the real design of the piece being their success, but Tr. II.
John and his partizans being appended and playing the —
parts, in order that under colour of these, the supporters of
the Arians, in the garb of judges, might drive away the
enemies of their impiety, firmly establish their impious
doctrines, and bring the Arians into the Church. And those
who wish to drive out true godliness 1 strive all they can to 1
prevail by ungodliness 1 ; they who have chosen the part of^* ,&c#
that impiety 1 which wars against Christ, endeavour to destroy * u P r, f P j
the enemies thereof, as though they were impious 1 persons ;
and they impute to us the breaking of the chalice, for the
purpose of making it appear that Athanasius, equally with
themselves, is guilty of impiety 1 towards Christ.
28. For what means this mention of the sacred chalice by
them? Whence comes this religious 1 regard for the chalice -
among those who support impiety 1 towards Christ? Whence
comes it that Christ's chalice is known to them who know
not Christ? How can they who profess to honour that
chalice, dishonour the God of the chalice ? or how can they
who lament over the chalice, seek to murder the Bishop who
celebrates the mysteries therewith ? for they would have
murdered him, had it been in their power. And how can
they who lament the loss of the throne that was Episco-
pally covered*, seek to destroy the Bishop that sat upon it, 8 cathe-
to the end that both the throne may be without its Bishop, i a t 8R)
and that the people may be deprived of godly 1 doctrine ? It p '
was not then the chalice, nor the murder, nor any of those viii. 6.
portentous deeds they talk about, that induced them to act 10 *
thus ; but the forementioned heresy of the Arians, for the
sake of which they conspired against Athanasius and other
Bishops, and still continue to wage war against the Church.
29. Who are they that have really been the cause of murders
and banishments ? Are not these ? Who are they that, availing
themselves of external support, conspire against the Bishops?
Are not the Eusebians they, and not Athanasius, as in their
letters they pretend ? Both he and others have suffered at
their hands. Even at the time of which we speak, four
Presbyters 5 of Alexandria, though they had not even pro- 3 vid.
ceeded to Tyre, were banished by their means. Who then na ^ l r eg
are they whose conduct calls for tears and lamentations ? infr. §.
y 40.
D 2
36 Eusebians really associates of the Avians.
A pol. Does not theirs, who after they have been guilty of one
AQ * Ab - course of persecution, do not scruple to add to it a second,
but have recourse to all manner of falsehood, in order that
they may destroy a Bishop who will not give way to their
impious heresy ? Hence arises the enmity of the Eusebians ;
hence their proceedings at Tyre; hence their pretended
trials; hence also now the letters which they have written
even without any trial, expressing the utmost confidence in
their statements ; hence their calumnies before the father of
the Emperors, and before the most religious Emperors them-
selves.
§. 18. 30. For it is necessary that you should know what is now
reported to the prejudice of our brother Athanasius, in order
that you may thereby be led to condemn their wickedness,
- and may perceive that they desire nothing else but to murder
him. A quantity of corn was given by the father of the
Emperors for the support of certain widows, some to be of
Libya, and some out of Egypt. They have all received it up
to this time, Athanasius getting nothing therefrom, but the
trouble of assisting them. But now, although the recipients
themselves make no complaint, but acknowledge that they have
received it, Athanasius has been accused of selling all the
corn, and appropriating the profits to his own use : and the
Emperor wrote to this effect about it, charging him with the
offence in consequence of the calumnies which had been
raised against him. Now who are they that have raised
these calumnies ? Is it not those who after they have been
guilty of one course of persecution, scruple not to set on foot
another? Who are the authors of those letters which are
said to have come from the Emperor ? Are not the Arians
who are so zealous against Athanasius, and scruple not to
speak and write any thing ? No one would pass over persons
who have acted as they have done, in order to entertain sus-
picion of others. Nay, the proof of their calumny appears
to be most evident, for they are anxious under cover of it, to
take away the corn from the Church, and to give it to the
Arians. And this circumstance more than any other, brings
the matter home to the authors of this design and their prin-
cipals, who scrupled neither to set on foot a charge of murder
against Athanasius, and as a base means of prejudicing
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Tliey recognise them in formal acts.
37
the Emperor against him, nor yet to take away from t ^ e ^g'J^'
Clergy 1 of the Church the subsistence of the poor, in order v ^
that in fact they might make gain for the heretics. »a^»»,
31. We have sent also the testimony of our brother ministers
in Libya, Pentapolis, and Egypt, from which likewise you§. 19.
may learn the false accusations which have been brought
against Athanasius. And these things they do, in order that,
the professors of true godliness being henceforth induced by
fear to remain quiet, the heresy of the impious Arians may
be introduced in place of the truth. But thanks be to your
piety, dearly beloved, that you have frequently anathematized
the Arians in your letters, and have never given them admittance
into the Church. The exposure of the Eusebians is also easy,
and ready at hand. For behold, after their former letters
concerning the Arians, of which also we have sent you copies,
they now openly stir up the Arian fanatics against the Church,
though the whole Catholic Church has anathematized them ;
they have appointed a Bishop* over them; they distract the 8 ^"^.
Churches with threats and alarms, that they may gain assist-
ants in their impiety in every part. Moreover, they send
Deacons to the Arians, who openly join their assemblies ;
they write letters to them, and receive answers from them,
thus making schisms in the Church, and holdiug communion
with them ; and they send to every part, commending their
heresy, and repudiating the Church, as you will perceive
from the letters they have addressed to the Bishop of Rome 3 , ? vid '
and perhaps to yourselves also. You perceive therefore, 2?
dearly beloved, that these things are not undeserving of
vengeance: they are indeed dreadful and alien from the
doctrine of Christ.
32. Wherefore we have assembled together, and have
written to you, to request of your Christian wisdom to re-
ceive this our declaration and sympathize with our brother
Athanasius, and to shew your indignation against the
Eusebians who have essayed such things, in order that
such malice and wickedness may no longer prevail against
the Church. We call upon you to be the avengers of
such injustice, reminding you of the injunction of the
Apostle, Put away from among yourselves that wicked l b c ™'
person. Wicked indeed is their conduct, and unworthy 9
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38 Meletians pretend to be the Egyptian Church.
Apol. of your communion. Wherefore give no further heed to
— — them, though they should again write to you against the
Bishop Athanasius ; (for all that proceeds from them is
false;) not even though they subscribe their letter with
names p of Egyptian Bishops. For it is evident that it will
1 infr. not be we who write, but the Meletians 1 , who have ever been
" schismatics, and who even unto this day make disturbances
and raise factions in the Churches. For they ordain improper
persons, and all but heathens ; and they are guilty of such
actions as we are ashamed to set down in writing, but which
you may learn from those whom we have sent unto you, and
who will deliver to you our letter.
§. 20. 33. Thus wrote the Bishops of Egypt to all Bishops, and
to Julius Bishop of Rome.
P The Eusebians availed themselves as at Philippopolis, Hilar. Fragm.
of the subscriptions of the Meletians, 3.
Dic^zed by
A
CHAP. II.
LETTER OF POPE JULIUS TO THE EUSEBIANS AT ANTIOCH.
1. The Eusebians also wrote to Julius, and thinking to
frighten me, requested him to call a Council, and to be
himself the judge, if he so pleased 1 . When therefore I went 1 A. D.
up to Rome, Julius wrote to the Eusebians, as was suitable, huJ^
and sent moreover two of his own Presbyters*, Elpidius and Arian.
Philoxenus *. But they, when they heard of me, were thrown « May,
into confusion, as not expecting my going up thither; and they
declined the proposed Council, alleging unsatisfactory reasons
for so doing, but in truth they were afraid lest the things
should be proved against them which Valeus and Ursacius
afterwards confessed 3 . However, more than fifty Bishops s infr.
assembled, in the place where the Presbyter Vito held his*' 68 *
congregation i ; and they acknowledged my defence, and gave 4
me the confirmation 5 both of their fellowship and their loving 5 vid.
hospitality. On the other hand, they expressed great indigna- SfrdEa.
tion against the Eusebians, and requested that Julius would
write to the following effect to those of their number who had
written to him. Which accordingly he did, and sent it by
the hand of Count Gabianus.
2. The Letter of Julius 6 . e A . D.
342, bat
Julius to his dearly beloved brethren 1 *, Danius, Flacillus,34i.
Narcissus, Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, and™ em *
* Vito and Vincentius, Presbyters, Montfaucon in loc. understands the
bad represented Silvester at Nicsea. notorious Arian, Bishop of Nicsea,
Liberius sent Vincentius, Bishop, and called variously Diognius, (supr. §. 13.)
Marcellus, Bishop, to Constantius ; and Theognius, (infr. §. 28.) Theognis,
again Lucifer, Bishop, and Eusebius, (Philostorg. Hist. ii. 7.) Theogonius,
Bishop. St. Basil suggests that Dama- (Theod. Hist. i. 19.) and assigns some
sus should send Legates into the East, ingenious and probable reasons for his
Ep. 69. The Council of Sardica, supposition, vid. supr. p. 23, note d.
Can. 5. recognised the Pope's power of Flacillus, Arian Bishop of Antioch, as
sending Legate? into foreign Provinces Athan. names him, is called Placillus,(in
to hear certain appeals ; " ut de Latere St. Jerome'sChronicon,p.785.) Placitus,
8U0 Presbyterum mittat." vid. Tho- (Soz. iii. 5.) Flacitus, (Theod. Hist. i.
massin. de Eccl. Disc. Part 1. ii. 117. 21.) Theodorus was Arian Bishop of
b By Danius, which had been con- Heraclea, whose Comments on the
sidered the same name as Dianseus, Psalms are supposed to be those which
Bishop of Caisarea in Cappadocia, bear his name in Corderius's Catena.
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Goo;
40 Intemperate letter of the Eusebiant to the Pope.
A pol. their friends, who have written to me from Antioch, sends
health in the Lord.
§. 21. 1 have read your letter* which was brought to me by my
Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I am surprised to
find that, whereas I wrote to you in charity and with con-
scious sincerity, you have replied to me in an unbecoming
and quarrelsome temper ; for the pride and arrogance of the
writers is plainly exhibited in that letter. Yet such feelings
are inconsistent with the Christian faith ; for what was written
in a charitable spirit ought likewise to be answered in a spirit
of charity and not of contention. And was it not a token of
charity to send Presbyters to sympathize with them that are
in suffering, and to desire those who had written to me to
come hither, that the questions at issue might obtain a speedy
settlement, and all things be duly ordered, so that our brethren
might no longer be exposed to suffering, and that you might
escape further imputation? But something seems to shew
that your temper is such, as to force us to conclude that the
1 net* terms in which you appear to pay honour 1 to us, are with
some dissimulation modified in their meaning. The Pres-
byters also whom we sent to you, and who ought to have
returned rejoicing, did on the contrary return sorrowful on
account of the proceedings they had witnessed among you.
And I, when I had read your letter, after much consideration,
kept it to myself, thinking that after all some of you would
come, and there would be no need to bring it forward, lest
if it should be openly exhibited, it should grieve many of our
brethren here. But when no one arrived, and it became
necessary that the letter should be produced, I declare to
you, they were all astonished, and were hardly able to believe
that such a letter had been written by you at all; for it is
expressed in terms of strife rather than of charity.
3. Now if the author of it wrote with an ambition of exhi-
biting his power of language, such a practice surely is more
c Some of the topics contained in the and that they ought not themselves to
Eusebian Letter are specified in Julius's hold the second place, for they were
answer. It acknowledged, besides, the superior in virtue, though not in their
high dignity of the See of Rome, as Church." And they said that they would
being " The School (tywwrngw) of the hold communion with Julius if he would
Apostles and the Metropolis of ortho- agree to their depositions and sub-
doxy from the beginning/' but added stitutions in the Eastern Sees. So«.
that " doctors oame to it from the east ; iii. 8.
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The Pope proposes to revise the Eusebian decision. 41
suitable for other subjects : in ecclesiastical matters, it is not Tr. il.
a display of eloquence that is needed, but the observance of 21 > a2 *
Apostolic Canons, and an earnest care not to offend one of the
little ones of the Church, For it were better for a man,
according to that ecclesiastical sentence, that a millstone ^d.
were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in 18> 6#
the sea, than that he should offend even one of the little
ones. But if such a letter was written, because certain
persons through a narrow feeling 1 took offence among them- »
selves, (for I will not impute it to all); it were better not tOj£j^J^ #
entertain any such feeling of offence at all, at least not to let™*-
the sun go down upon their vexation ; and certainly not to i n
give it room to exhibit itself in writing. °-
4. Yet what has been done that is a just cause of offence ? 326,331'.
or in what respect was my letter to you such ? Was it, that §• 22.
I invited* you to be present at a Council ? You ought rather
to have received the proposal with joy. Those who have^^*
confidence in their proceedings, or as they choose to term
them, in their decisions, are not wont to be angry, if such
decision is enquired into by others ; they rather shew all bold-
ness, seeing that if they have given a just decision, it can
never prove to be the reverse. The Bishops who assembled
in the great Council of Nicaea agreed, not without the will of
God, that the decisions of one Council should be examined
in another d , to the end that the judges, having before their
eyes that other trial which was to follow, might be led to
investigate matters with the utmost caution, aud that the
parties concerned in their sentence might have assurance
that the judgment they received was just, and not dictated
by the enmity of their former judges. Now if you are
unwilling that such a practice ^hould be adopted in your
own case, though it is of ancient standing, and has been
noticed and recommended by the great Council, your refusal
is not becoming ; for it is unreasonable that a custom which
4 As this determination does not find Ecchellensis haw argued on the same
a place among the now received Canons side, (apud Colet. Concil. t. ii. p. 399.
of the Council, the passage in the text Ed. Ven. 1728.) also Baronius, though
becomes of great moment in the argu- not so strongly, Ann. 325. nn.167, &c.
ment in favour of the twenty Canons and Montfaucon in loc. Natalis Alex-
extant in Greek being but a portion ander, Seec. 4. Dissert. 28. argues
of those passed at Nicsea. vid. Alber. against the larger number, and Tille-
Dissert in Hist. Eccles. vii. Abraham mont, Mem. t. 6. p. 674.
42 Tlte Eusebians had already proposed a fresh Council.
Apol. has once obtained in the Church, and been established bj
AQ ' Ar ' Councils, should be set aside by a few individuals.
5. For a further reason they cannot justly take offence in this
point. When the persons whom you the Eusebians dispatched
with your letters, I mean Macarius the Presbyter, and Martyrius
and Hesychius the Deacons, arrived here, and found that they
were unable to withstand the arguments of the Presbyters
who came from Athanasius, but were confuted and exposed
■ A. D. on all sides, they then requested me to call a Council together
and to write to Alexandria to the Bishop Athanasius, and
also to the Eusebians, in order that a just judgment might
be given in the presence of all parties. And they undertook
in that case to prove all the charges which had been brought
against Athanasius. For Martyrius and Hesychius had been
publicly detected by us, and the Presbyters of the Bishop
Athanasius had withstood them with great confidence : indeed,
if one must tell the truth, the party of Martyrius had been
utterly overthrown ; and this it was that led them to desire
that a Council might be held. Now supposing that they had
not desired a Council, but that I had been the persqn to
* rxrfxai propose it, in discouragement of* those who had written to
me, and for the sake of our brethren who complain that they
have suffered injustice ; even in that case the proposal would
have been reasonable and just, for it is agreeable to eccle-
siastical practice, and well pleasing to God. But when those
persons, whom you the Eusebians considered to be trust-
worthy, when even they wished me to call the brethren together,
it was inconsistent in the parties invited to take offence, when
they ought rather to have shewn all readiness to be present.
These considerations shew that the display of anger in the
offended persons is unreasonable, and their refusal to meet
the Council is unbecoming, and has a suspicious appearance.
Does any one find fault, if he sees that done by another,
which he would allow if done by himself? If, as you write,
the decrees of any Council have an irreversible force, and he
who has given judgment on a matter is dishonoured, if his
sentence is examined by another ; consider, dearly beloved,
who are they that dishonour Councils ? who are setting aside
the decisions of former judges ?
6. Not to inquire at present into every individual case, lest
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They had admitted the Arians to communion, 43
I should appear to press too heavily on certain parties, the Tr. II.
last instance that has occurred, and which every one who —
hears it must shudder at, will be sufficient in proof of the
others which I omit. The Arians who were excommunicated §. 23.
for their impiety by Alexander, the late Bishop of Alexandria,
of blessed memory, were not only proscribed by the brethren
in the several cities, but were also anathematized by the
whole body assembled together in the great Council of
Nicaea. For theirs was no ordinary offence, neither had they
sinned against man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ Him-
self, the Son of the living God. And yet these persons who
were proscribed by the whole world, and branded in every
Church, are said now to have been admitted to communion
again; which I think you ought to hear with indignation.
Who then are the parties who dishonour Councils ? Are
not they who have set at nought the votes of the Three
hundred e , and have preferred impiety to godliness ?
7. The heresy of the Arian fanatics 1 was condemned and 1
proscribed by the whole body of Bishops every where ; but^J^
the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus have many supporters 4 * ref »
who speak and write in their behalf. We have received
testimony in favour of Marcellus, that lie resisted the advo-
cates of the Arian doctrines in the Council of Nicaea ; and in
favour of Athanasius, that at Tyre nothing was brought home
to him, and that in the Mareotis, where the Reports against
him are said to have been drawn up, he was not present. Now
you know, dearly beloved, that ex 'parte proceedings are
of no weight, but bear a suspicious appearance. Neverthe-
less, these things being so, we, in order to be accurate, and
neither shewing any prepossession in favour of yourselves,
nor of those who wrote in behalf of the other party, invited
those who had written to me to come hither; that, since there
were many who wrote in their behalf, all things might be
enquired into in a Council, and neither the guiltless might
be condemned, nor the guilty be accounted innocent. We
then are not the parties who dishonour Councils, but they
who at once and recklessly have received the Arians whom
« The number of the Fathers at the (Hodeg. 3. fin.) referring to the first
Nicene Council is generally considered three Ecumenical Councils, speaks of
to have been 318, the number of Abra- the faith of the 318, the 150, and the
ham's servants, Gen. 14, 14. Anastasius 200.
44 and liad ordained and preferred Arians.
A pol. all had condemned, and contrary to the decision of the
aq ' Ab * judges. The greater part of those judges have now departed,
and are with Christ; but some of them are still in this life of
trial, and are indignant at learning that certain persons have
set aside their judgment
§. 24. 8. We have also been informed of the following circum-
stance by those who were at Alexandria. A certain Carpones,
who had been excommunicated by Alexander for Arianism,
i a.D. was sent hither 1 by one Gregory with certain others, also
341 * excommunicated for the same heresy. However, I had
learnt the matter also from the Presbyter M acarius, and the
«A.D. Deacons Martyrius and Hesychius*. For before the Pres-
339 ' byters Of Athanasius arrived, they urged me to send letters
to one Pistus at Alexandria, though at the same time the
Bishop Athanasius was there. And when the Presbyters
of the Bishop Athanasius came, they informed me that this
3 vid. Pistus was an Arian, and that he had been excommunicated 3
Depos ky the Bishop Alexander and the Council of Nicaea, and
Ar. then ordained by one Secundus, whom also the great Council
excommunicated as au Arian. This statement the party of
Martyrius did not gainsay, nor did they deny that Pistus had
received his ordination from Secundus. Now consider, after
this who are most justly liable to blame ? I, who could not
be prevailed upon to write to the Arian Pistus; or those,
who advised me to do dishonour to the great Council, and to
address the impious as if they were godly persons ? More-
over, when the Presbyter Macarius, who had been sent hither
by Eusebius with Martyrius and the rest, heard of the oppo-
sition which had been made by the Presbyters of Athanasius,
while we were expecting his appearance with Martyrius and
Hesychius, he decamped in the night, in spite of a bodily
ailment; which leads us to conjecture that his departure arose
from shame on account of the exposure which had been made
concerning Pistus. For it is impossible that the ordination
* U X v**t of the Arian Secundus should be considered valid 4 in the
Catholic Church. This would indeed be dishonour to the
Council, and to the Bishops who composed it, if the decrees
g^J^they framed, as in the presence of God, with such extreme
Fragm. earnestness and care, should be set aside as nugatory.
§ 25 9 * as y° u w " te *> ^ e decrees °f a ^ Councils ought to be
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Excuses of the Eusebians as to the time of the Council. 45
of force, according to the precedent in the case of Novatus lf Tn. II.
and Paul of Samosata, certainly the sentence of the Three | . 25 '
hundred ought not to be reversed, certainly a Catholic Nova-
Council ought not to be set at nought by a few individuals. tian -
For the Arians are heretics as they, and the like sentence has
been passed both against the one and the other. And, after
such bold proceedings as these, who are they that have
lighted up the flame of discord ? for in your letter you blame
us for having done this. Have we, who have sympathized
with the sufferings of the brethren, and have acted in all
respects according to the Canon ; or they who contentiously
and contrary to the Canon have set aside the sentence of the
Three hundred, and dishonoured the Council in every way ?
For not only have the Arians been received into communion,
but Bishops also have adopted the practice of removing from
one place to another 2 . Now if you really believe that all*vid.
Bishops have the same and equal authority 3 , and you do not,
as you assert, account of them according to the magnitude of [^£ ri "
their cities ; he that is entrusted with a small city ought to Unit,
abide in the place committed to him, and not from disdain of q 0 ^* 4 *
his trust to remove to one that has never been put under
him ; despising that which God has given him, and making
much of the vain applause of men. You ought then, dearly
beloved, to have come and not declined, that the matter
may be brought to a conclusion; for this is what reason
demands.
10. But perhaps you were prevented by the time fixed
upon for the Council, for you complain in your letter that the
interval before the day we appointed 4 was too short. But 4
this, dearly beloved, is a mere excuse. Had certain of you^.
set out to come, and the day arrived before them, the interval £ at « O-
allowed would then have been proved to be too short. But246\ P '
when persons do not wish to come, and detain even my
Presbyters up to the month of January 5 , it is the mere excuse 5 A. D.
of those who have no confidence in their cause; otherwise, xm^m.
as I said before, they would have come, not regarding the wads
length of the journey, not considering the shortness of the
f The instance of Novatian makes the Wesk his cause was not abandoned
against the Eusebians, because for some in the East. Tillemont, Mem. t. 7
time after Novatian was condemned in p. 277.
46 Why St. Julius wrote only to the Eusebians.
Apol. time, but trusting to the justice and reasonableness of their
— — cause. But perhaps they did not come on account of the
Persian ^P 60 * of the times 1 , for again you declare in your letter, that
war. we ought to have considered the present circumstances of
Ariln. tne East, and not to have desired you to come. Now if as
§. 11. y OU sa y y OU did no t come because the times were such, you
ought to have considered such times beforehand, and not to
have become the authors of schism, and of mourning and
lamentation in the Churches. But as the matter stands,
men, who have been the cause of these things, shew that it is
not the times that are to blame, but the determination of
those who will not meet a Council.
§. 26. 1 1 . But I wonder also how you could ever have written that
part of your letter, in which you say, that I alone wrote, and
not to all of you, but to the Eusebians only. In this complaint
one may discover more of readiness to find fault than of
regard for truth. I received the letters against Athanasius
from none other than those connected with Martyrius and
Hesychius, and I necessarily wrote to them who had written
against him. Either then the Eusebians ought not alone to
have written, apart from you all, or else you, to whom I did not
write, ought not to be offended that I wrote to them who had
written to me. If it was right that I should address my
letter to you all, you also ought to have written with them ;
but now, considering what was reasonable, I wrote to them
who had addressed themselves to me, and had given me
information. But if you were displeased because I alone
wrote to them, it is but consistent that you should also be
angry, because they wrote to me alone. But for this also,
dearly beloved, there was a fair and reasonable cause.
Nevertheless it is necessary that I should acquaint you that,
although I only wrote, yet the sentiments I expressed were
not those of myself alone, but of all the Bishops throughout
Italy and in these parts. I indeed was unwilling to cause
them all to write, lest the others should be overpowered by their
number. The Bishops however assembled on the appointed
day, and agreed in these opinions, which I again write to
signify to you; so that, dearly beloved, although I alone
address you, yet you may be assured that these are the
sentiments of all. Thus much for the excuses, not reason -
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The Reports at the Mareotis of an ex parte nature. 47
able, but unjust and suspicious, which some of you have Tb. II.
alleged for your conduct. 27 ' .
12. Now although what has already been said were sufficient §. 27.
to shew that we have not admitted to our communion our
brothers Athanasius and Marcellus either too readily, or
unjustly, yet it is but fair briefly to set the matter before
you. Eusebius's friends wrote formerly against the friends
of Athanasius, as you also have written now; but a great
number of Bishops out of Egypt and other provinces wrote
in his favour. Now in the first place, your letters against
him are inconsistent with one another, and the latter have
no sort of agreement with the former, but in many instances
the former are answered by the latter, and the latter are
impeached by the former. Now where there is this contra-
diction in letters, no credit whatever is due to the statements
they contain. In the next place, if you require us to believe
what you have written, it is but consistent that we should
not refuse credit to those who have written in his favour 1 ; 1 vid.
especially, considering that you write from a distance, while "^"19/
they are on the spot, are acquainted with the man, and the
events which are occurring there, and testify in writing to
his manner of life, and positively affirm that he has been the
victim of a conspiracy throughout.
13. Again, a certain Bishop Arsenius was said at one time
to have been destroyed by Athanasius, but we have learned
that he is alive, nay, that he is on terms of friendship with
him. He has positively asserted that the Reports drawn up
in the Mareotis were ex parte ones ; for that neither the
Presbyter Macarius, the accused party, was present, nor yet
his Bishop, Athanasius himself. This we have learnt, not only
from his own mouth, but also from the Reports which Martyrius
and Hesychius brought to us 5 ; for we found on reading * vid.
them, that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but^*'
neither Macarius, nor the Bishop Athanasius ; and that the
Presbyters of Athanasius desired to attend, but were not
permitted. Now, dearly beloved, if the trial was to be
conducted honestly, not only the accuser, but the accused
also ought to have been present. As the accused party
Macarius attended at Tyre, as well as the accuser Ischyras,
when nothing was proved against him, so not only ought the
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48 And open to a triumphant exposure.
Apou accuser to have gone to the Mareotis, but also the accused,
aq ' Ab * so that he might be present when he was convicted, or if he
was acquitted, might have opportunity to expose the calumny.
But now, as this was not the case, but the accuser only went
out thither, with those to whom Athanasius objected, the
proceedings wear a suspicious appearance.
§. 28. 14. And he complained also that the persons who went to
the Mareotis went against his wish, for that Theognius,
Maris, Theodoras, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who
were the persons they sent out, were of suspected character.
This he shewed not by his own assertion merely, but from a
letter of Alexander who was Bishop of Thessalonica ; for he
1 infr. produced a letter written by him to Dionysius', the Count
80 ' who presided in the Council, in which he shews most clearly
that there was a conspiracy on foot against Athanasius. He
has also brought forward a genuine document, all in the hand-
* §. 64. writing of the accuser Ischyras himself*, in which he calls
God Almighty to witness that no chalice was broken, nor
table overthrown, but that he had been suborned by cer-
tain persons to invent these accusations. Moreover, when
3 §.74. the Presbyters of the Mareotis arrived 3 , they positively
affirmed that Ischyras was not a Presbyter of the Catholic
Church, and that Macarius had not committed any such
offence as the other had laid to his charge. The Presbyters
and Deacons also who came to us testified in the fullest |
manner in favour of the Bishop Athanasius, strenuously
asserting that none of those things which were alleged against
him were true, but that he was the victim of a conspiracy.
15. And all the Bishops of Egypt and Libya wrote and pro-
4 snpr. tested 4 that his ordination was lawful and strictly ecclesiastical)
* p " and that all that you had advanced against him was false,
for that no murder had been committed, nor any persons
despatched on his account, nor any chalice broken, but that
all was false. Nay, the Bishop Athanasius also shewed from
the ex parte Reports drawn up in the Mareotis, that a Cate-
«infr. chumen was examined and said 5 , that he was within with
§• 83.
Ischyras, at the time when they say Macarius the Presbyter
of Athanasius burst into the place ; and that others who were
6 J? *ix- examined said, — one, that Ischyras was in a small cell 6 , — and
*** another, that he lay behind the door, being sick at that very
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Athan. not afraid to shew himself at Rome.
49
time, when they say Macarius came thither. Now from these Tr. it.
representations of his, we are naturally led to ask the 28 ' 2 - 9 -
question, How was it possible that a man who was lying
behind the door sick could get up, conduct the service^ and
offer the Oblations ? and how could it be that Oblations were
offered in the presence of Catechumens 1 ? for if there were 1 Bingh.
Catechumens present, it was not yet the time for presenting D g*g*
the Oblations. These representations, as I said, were made
by the Bishop Athanasius, and he shewed from the Reports,
what was also positively affirmed by those who were with
him, that Ischyras has never been a Presbyter at all in the
Catholic Church, nor has ever appeared as a Presbyter in
the assemblies of the Church ; for not even when Alexander
admitted those of the Meletian schism, by the indulgence of
the great Council, was he named by Meletius among his
Presbyters, as they deposed*; which is the strongest argument 8 im-
possible that he was not even a Presbyter of Meletius; for*"^ 1 "
otherwise, he would certainly have been numbered with the
rest. Besides, it was shewn also by Athanasius from the
Reports, that Ischyras had spoken falsely in other instances :
for he set up a charge respecting the burning of certain books,
when, as they pretend, Macarius burst in upon them, but
was convicted of falsehood by the witnesses he himself
brought to prove it.
16. Now when these things were thus represented to us,§. 29.
and so many witnesses appeared in his favour, and so much
was advanced by him in his own justification, what did it
become us to do? what did the Canon 3 of the Church require 3 pp. 3.
of us, but that we should not condemn him, but rather 46 * 55 '
receive him and treat him as a Bishop, as we have done ?
Moreover, besides all this he continued here a year and six
months g , expecting the arrival of yourselves and of whoever
chose to come. His presence overcame us all, for he would
not have been here, had he not felt confident in his cause ;
and he came not of his own accord, but on a summons 4 by 4 *\nl%)t
8 Valesius, Montfaucon, and Cou- Baronius and Tillemont follow Socrates
stant, consider these eighteen months in supposing two journeys of Athan. to
to run from about May 341 , upon Gre- Rome, and that the eighteen months
gory's usurpation, to October or Novem- began in 339 or 340, and had a break
ber 342, when the Council of Rome in them, during which he returned to
terminated, as Schelstrate also thinks. Alexandria.
E
50
Gregory uncanomcally put in his place.
apol. letter from us, in the manner in which we wrote to you. But still
aq. Ar. com p] am after of our transgressing the Canons. Now
consider ; who are they that have so acted ? we who received
this man after such ample proof of his innocence, or they
who being at Antioch at the distance of six and thirty posts';
appointed a stranger to be Bishop, and sent him to Alex-
andria with a military force; a thing which was not done
even when Athanasius was banished into Gaul, though it
would have been done then, had he been really proved guilty
of the offence. But when he returned, of course he found
his Church unoccupied and waiting for him.
§. 30. 17. But now I am ignorant under what colour these proceed-
ings have been conducted. In the first place, if the truth must
be spoken, it was not right, when we had written to summon a
Council, that any persons should anticipate its decisions 1 : and
in the next place, it was not fitting that such novel proceedings
should be adopted against the Church. For what Canon of
1 p. 41, the Church 1 , or what Apostolical tradition warrants this, that
p. 0 ^?' when the Church was at peace, and so many Bishops were
in unanimity with Athanasius the Bishop of Alexandria,
Gregory should be sent thither, a stranger to the city, not
having been baptized there, nor known to the general body,
and desired neither by Presbyters, nor Bishops, nor Laity —
that he should be ordained at Antioch, and sent to Alexandria,
accompanied not by Presbyters, nor by Deacons of the city,
nor by Bishops of Egypt, but by soldiers? for they who
came hither complained that this was the case.
18. Even supposing that Athanasius was in the position of
a criminal after the Council, this appointment ought not to
have been made thus illegally and contrary to the Canon of
the Church, but the Bishops of the province ought to have
h or rather, halfc», f*tra). They a day along the Roman roads." ch. ii.
are enumerated in the Itinerary of M»wi or raansio properly means the
Antoninus, and are set down on huiiding, where soldiers or other public
Montfaucon's plate. The route passes officers rested at night, (hence its appli-
over the Delta to Pelusium, and then cation to monastic houses.) Such build-
coasts all the way to Antioch. These ings included granaries, stabling, &e.
mm) were day's journeys, Coustant vid. Cod. Theod. ed. Gothofr. 1666. 1. 1.
in Hilar. Psalm 118, Lit. 5. 2. or half p. 47. t. 2. p. 507. Ducange Gloss, t. 4.
a day's journey, Herman, ibid ; and p. 426. Col. 2.
were at unequal intervals, Ambros. in 1 The Eusebians kept the Pope's
Psalm 118, Serm. 5. §. 5. Gibbon says legates, and hastened their own Coxm-
that by the government conveyances, cil of the Dedication by way of anti-
" it was easy to travel an 100 miles in cipating him in their decision.
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and with outrages put in possession.
51
ordained one in that very Church, of that very Priesthood, of Tr. II.
that very Clergy 1 ; and the Canons 2 received from the 20l 31 *
Apostles ought not thus to be set aside. Had this offence Bingh.
been committed against any one of you, would you not have i Jr
exclaimed against it, and demanded justice as for the trans- 2 pp. '3,
gression of the Canons ? Dearly beloved, we speak honestly, 60,
as in the presence of God, and declare, that this proceeding
was neither pious, nor lawful, nor ecclesiastical. Moreover,
the account which is given of the conduct of Gregory on his
entry into the city, plainly shews the character of his appoint-
ment. In such peaceful times, as those who came from
Alexandria declared them to have been, and as the Bishops
also represented in their letters, the Church was set on fire 3 ; 3 »upr.
Virgins were stripped; Monks were trodden under foot; p " 6 *
Presbyters and many of the people were scourged and
suffered violence; Bishops were cast into prison; multitudes
were dragged about from place to place ; the holy Mysteries k ,
about which they accused the Presbyter Macarius, were
seized upon by heathens and cast upon the ground ; and all
to constrain certain persons to admit the appointment of
Gregory. Such conduct plainly shews who they are that
transgress the Canons. Had the appointment been lawful,
he would not have had recourse to illegal proceedings to
compel the obedience of those who in a legal way resisted
him. And notwithstanding all this, you write that perfect
peace prevailed in Alexandria and Egypt. Surely not, unless
the works of peace are entirely changed, and you call such
doings as these peace.
19. I have also thought it necessary to point out to you§. 81.
this circumstance, viz. that Athanasius positively asserted
that Macarius was kept at Tyre under a guard of soldiers,
while only his accuser accompanied those who went to the
Mareotis 4 ; and that the Presbyters who desired to attend the 4 p- si.
inquiry were not permitted, while the said inquiry respecting
the chalice and the Table was carried on before the Prefect
and his baud, and in the presence of Heathens and Jews.
k Athan. only suggests this, supr. cons bruised with lead ; nay, even on
p. 6. S. Hilary says the same of the Christ Himself (the Saints understand
conduct of the Arians at Toulouse ; my meaning) hands were laid." Contr.
" Clerks were beaten with clubs ; Dea- Coustant. 11.
E 2
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52 Marcellus not to be suspected of heresy.
Apol, This at first seemed incredible, but it was proved to have
AQ,AR ' been so from the Reports; which caused great astonishment
to us, as I suppose, dearly beloved, it does to you also.
Presbyters, who are the ministers of the Mysteries, are not
permitted to attend, but an enquiry concerning Christ's
nfrrwZ Blood and Christ's Body is carried on before an external 1
judge, in the presence of Catechumens, nay, worse than that,
before Heathens and Jews, who have so bad a name in regard
to Christianity. Even supposing that an offence had been
committed, it should have been investigated legally in the
Church and by the Clergy, not by heathens who abhor the
Word and know not the Truth. I am persuaded that both
you and all men must perceive the nature and magnitude of
this sin. Thus much concerning Athanasius.
§. 32. 20- With respect to Marcellus 1 , forasmuch as you have
charged him also of impiety towards Christ, I am anxious to
inform you, that when he was here, he positively declared
that what you had written concerning him was not true;
but being nevertheless requested by us to give an account of
his faith, he answered in his own person with the utmost
boldness, so that we were obliged to acknowledge that he
2 vid. maintains nothing except the truth. He made a confession 9
Hfier^ °^ ^ e same £ 0( Uy doctrines concerning our Lord and Saviour
2, 3. and Jesus Christ as the Catholic Church confesses; and he
j^? 3, affirmed that he had held these opinions for a very long
time, and had not recently adopted them: as indeed our
3 vin- Presbyters 3 , who were at a former date present at the Council
and*" 18 °^ ^* caea > testified to his orthodoxy ; for he maintained then,
Vito. as he has done now, his opposition to Arianism, (on which
point it is right to admonish you, lest any of you admit such
iTim.i, heresy, instead of abominating it as alien from sound doc-
10.
I Julius here acquits Marcellus ; but separated him from his communion, as
it would seem that he did not eventually agreeing with Photinus his disciple,
preserve himself from heretical notions, Fragra. ii. 23. Sulpicius says the same,
even if he deserved a favourable judg- He is considered heretical by S. Epi-
ment at this time. Athan. sides with phanius, loc.cit. S. Basil, Epp. 69, 125,
him, de Fug. 3. Hist. Arian. 6. but 263, 265. S. Chrysostom in Hebr. Horn.
Epiphanins records, that on his asking ii. 2. Theodore*, Hser.ii. 10. vid. Petav.
Athanasius what he (Athan.) thought de Trin. i. 13. who condemns him, and
of Marcellus, a smile came on his face j Bull far more strongly. Def. F. N . ii. 1.
and he implied that there was some un- §. 9. Montfaucon defends him, (in a
soundness in Marcellus's views which special Dissertation, Collect. Nov. torn,
perhaps be did not like to expose. Haer. 2.) and Tillemont, Mem. torn. 7. p. 513.
72. n. 4. And S. Hilary says that Athan. and Natalis Alex. Sa?c. iv. Dissert. 30.
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BodilyiiijuriesinJlictedbytheEusebiansonCatholicBishops.bS
trine.) Seeing then that he professed orthodox opinions, Tr. II.
and had testimony to his orthodoxy, what, I ask again in — - — -
his case, ought we to have done, except to receive him as a
Bishop, as we did, and not reject him from our communion ?
21. These things I have written, not so much for the purpose
of defending their cause, as in order to convince you, that
we acted justly and canonically 1 in receiving these persons, ^pp. 5.
atid that you are contentious without a cause. But it is
your duty to use your anxious endeavours and to labour by
every means to correct the irregularities which have been
committed contrary to the Canon, and to secure the peace of
the Churches; so that the peace of our Lord which has been
given to us may remain, and the Churches may not be
divided, nor you incur the charge of being authors of schism.
For I confess, your past conduct is an occasion of schism
rather than of peace.
22. For not only the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus came §. 33.
hither and complained of the injustice that had been done
them, but many other Bishops also m , from Thrace, from
Coele-Syria, from Phoenicia and Palestine, and Presbyters
not a few, and others from Alexandria and from other parts,
were present at the Council here, and in addition to their
other statements, lamented before all the assembled Bishops
the violence and injustice which the Churches had suffered,
and affirmed that similar outrages to those which had been
committed in Alexandria had occurred in their own Churches,
and in others also. Again, there lately came Presbyters with
letters from Egypt and Alexandria, who complained that many
Bishops and Presbyters who wished to come to the Council
were prevented ; for they said that, since the departure of
Athanasius n even up to this time, Bishops who are confessors 0 #
have been beaten with stripes, that others have been cast
into prison, and that but lately aged men, who have been
an exceedingly long period in the Episcopate, have been
m The names of few are known ; Antioch. A than. Hist. Ar. 12.
perhaps Marcellus, Asclepas, Paul of • e. g. Saparammon and Potamo,both
Constantinople, Lucius of Adrianople. Confessors, who were of the number of
vid. Montf. in loc. Tillem. Mem. torn, the Nicene Fathers, and had defended
7. p. 272. Athan. at Tyre, were, the former ba-
n These outrages took place imme- nished, the latter beaten to death, vid.
diately on the dismission of Elpidius and infr. Hist. Ar. 12.
Philoxenus, the Pope's legates, from
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54
The duty of the Pope under such circumstances.
A pol. given up to be employed in the public works, and nearly all
ag. Ab. ^ Q] er gy 0 f t |j e Catholic Church with the people are
the objects of plots and persecutions. Moreover they said
that certain Bishops and other brethren had been banished
for no other reason than to compel them against their will to
communicate with Gregory and his Arian associates. We
have heard also from others, what is confirmed by the
testimony of the Bishop Marcellus, that a number of out-
rages, similar to those which were committed at Alex-
andria, have occurred also at Ancyra in Galatia p . And in
addition to all this, those who came to the Council reported
against some of you (for I will not mention names) certain
charges of so dreadful a nature that I have declined setting
them down in writing : perhaps you also have heard them
from others. It was for this cause especially that I wrote
1 r{«r{i-to desire 1 you to come, that you might be present to hear
w*pim tnemj an( j t h at on irregularities might be corrected and
differences healed. And those who were called for these
purposes ought not to have refused, but to have come the
more readily, lest by failing to do so they should be
suspected of what was alleged against them, and be thought
unable to prove what they had written.
§. 34. 28. Now according to these representations, since the
Churches are thus afflicted and treacherously assaulted, as our
informants positively affirmed, who are they that have lighted
*vid. up the flame of discord 2 ? We, who grieve for such a
supr. p. gtete Q j. t jjj n g S sympathize with the sufferings of
the brethren, or those who have brought these things
about? While then such extreme confusion existed in
every Church, which was the cause why those who
visited us came hither, I wonder how you could write that
unanimity prevailed in the Churches. These things tend
not to the edification of the Church, but to her destruction ;
and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace, but of
l Cor. confusion : but our God is not a God of confusion, but of
14,33. p eace Wherefore, as the God and Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ knows, it was from a regard for your good name,
P The Pseudo-Sardican Council, i.e. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 9. but the character
theEusebiansatPhilippopolis,retortthis of the outrages fixes them on the
accusation on the party of Marcellus ; Arians. vid. infr. p. 71 , note h.
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The Eusebians must change their course. 55
and with prayers that the Churches might not fall intoTR. n.
confusion, but might continue as they were regulated 1 34 ' 36 '
by the Apostles, that I thought it necessary to write thu S , ' , r'"
unto you, to the end that you might at length discountenance
those who through the effects of their mutual enmity have f 6^
brought the Churches to this condition. For I have heard ' '
that ,t is only a certain few* who are the authors of all these'' adE».
24. Now, as having bowels of mercy, take ye care to correct, * ^
as 1 said before, those irregularities which have been com-
mitted contrary to the Canon, so that if any mischief has
already befallen, it may be healed through your zeal. And *
write not that I have preferred the communion of MarceUus
and Athanasius to yours, for such like complaints are no
indications of peace, but of contentiousness and hatred of
the brethren. For this cause I have written the foregoing
that you may understand that we acted not unjustly in'
admitting them to our communion, and so may cease this
strife. If you had come hither, and they had been con-
demned, and had appeared unable to produce reasonable
evidence in support of their cause, you would have done
well in writing thus. But seeing that, as I said before, we
acted agreeably to the Canon, and not unjustly, in holding
communion with them, I beseech you for the sake of Christ,
suffer not the members of Christ to be torn asunder, neither
trust to prejudices, but seek rather the peace of the Lord.
It is neither holy nor just, in order to gratify the narrow-
spirif of a few persons, to reject those who have never been 1 /«f*
condemned, and thereby to grieve the Spirit. But if you
think that you are able to prove any thing against them, and*"-'' 1 "'
to confute them face to face, let those of you who please
come hither: for they also promised that they would be
ready to establish completely the truth of those things which
they have reported to us.
25. Give us notice therefore of this, dearly beloved, that we § 35
may write both to them, and to the Bishops who will have
again to assemble, so that the guilty may be condemned in
the presence of all, and confusion no longer prevail in the
Churches. What has already taken place is enough : it is
enough surely that Bishops have been sentenced to banish-
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56 Their conduct inconsistent tenth the Pope's prerogatives,
Apol. ment in the presence of Bishops ; of which it behoves me
ag ' Ab * not to speak at length, lest I appear to press too heavily on
those who were present on those occasions. But if one
must speak the truth, matters ought not to have proceeded
l f«xp- so far; their private feelings 1 ought not to have been suffered
P.1S?' to reacn theh- present pitch. Let us grant the " removal,"
as you write, of Athanasius and Marcellus, from their own
places, yet what must one say of the case of the other
Bishops and Presbyters who, as I said before, came hither
from various parts, and who complained that they also had
been forced away, and had suffered the like injuries? O
dearly beloved, the decisions of the Church are no longer
according to the Gospel, but tend only to banishment and
2 Hist, death 2 . Supposing, as you assert, that some offence rested
1 67. n «pon those persons, the case ought to have been conducted
against them, not after this manner, but according to the
3 p. 53. Canon of the Church 5 . Word should have been written of
it to us all q , that so a just sentence might proceed from all.
For the sufferers were Bishops, and Churches of no ordinary
note, but those which the Apostles themselves had governed
in their own persons*.
26. And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church
of the Alexandrians in particular? Are you ignorant that
the custom has been for word to be written first to us, and
then for a just sentence to be past from this place' ? If then
any such suspicion rested upon the Bishop there, notice
thereof ought to have been sent to the Church of this place ;
whereas, after neglecting to inform us, and proceeding on
their own authority as they pleased, now they desire to
« Coustant in loe. fairly insists on the Churches ought not to make Canons
word " all," as shewing that S. Julius beside the will of the Bishop of Rome."
does not here claim the prerogative of Hist. ii. 17. Sozomen in like manner,
judging by himself all Bishops what- " for it was a sacerdotal law, to declare
ever, and that whatfollows relates mere- invalid whatever was transacted beside
ly to the Church of Alexandria. the will of the Bishop of the Romans."
r St. Peter (Greg. M. Epist. vii. Ind. Hist. iii. 10. vid. Pope Damasus ap.
15. 40.) or St. Mark (Leo, Ep. 9.) Theod. Hist. v. 10. Leon. Epist. 14.
at Alexandria, St. Paul at Ancyra &c. In the passage in the text the pre-
in Galatia, (Tertull. contr. Marcion. iv. rogative of the Roman see is limited, as
5.) vid. Coustant. in loc. Constant observes, to the instance of
* Socrates says somewhat differently, Alexandria; and we actually find in
" Julius wrote back. . . .that they acted the third century a complaint lodged
against the Canons, because they had against its Bishop Dionysius with the
not called him to a Council, the Eccle- Pope,
siastical Canon commanding that the
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at Alexandria, and as the successor of St. Peter. 57
obtain our concurrence in their decisions, though we never Tr. II.
condemned him. Not so have the Constitutions' of Paul,— — —
not so have the traditions of the Fathers directed ; this is
another form of procedure, a novel practice. I beseech
you> readily bear with me : what I write is for the common
good. For what we have received from the blessed Apostle
Peter", that I signify to you ; and I should not have written
this, as deeming that these things were manifest unto all
men, had not these proceedings so disturbed us. Bishops
are forced away from their sees and driven into banish-
ment, while others from different quarters are appointed in
their place; others are treacherously assailed, so that the
people have to grieve for those who are forcibly taken from
ihem, while, as to those who are sent in their room, they are
obliged to give over seeking the man whom they desire, and to
receive those they do not.
27. I ask 1 of you, that such things may no longer be, but i i&Z
that you will denounce in writing those persons who at-
tempt them; so that the Churches may no longer be
afflicted thus, nor any Bishop or Presbyter be treated
with insult, nor any one be compelled to act contrary
to his judgment, as they have represented to us, lest we
become a laughing-stock among the heathen, and above all,
lest we excite the wrath of God against us. For every one
of us shall give account in the Day of judgment of the things
which he has done in this life. May we all be possessed
with the mind of God! so that the Churches may recover
their own Bishops, and rejoice evermore in Jesus Christ our
Lord; through Whom to the Father be glory, for ever and
ever. Arnen.
' lm<ra%us. St Paul says i»
ixxXncrtmJS ttareirropat. 1 Cor. vii. 1 7.
r«2s \a»*k 1tara%*fMU. Ibid. xi. 34. vid.
Pearson, Vind. Ignat. p. 298. Hence
Constant in loc. Athan. would suppose
Julius to refer to 1 Cor. v. 4. which
Athan. actually quotes, Ep. Encycl.
§. 2. supr. pp. 4. 5. Pearson loc. cit.
considers the 3iaroguf of the Apostles,
as a collection of regulations and usages,
which more or less represented, or
claimed to represent, what may he called
St. Paul's rule, or St. Peter's rule, &c.
Cotelier considers the &«r«gij# as the
same as the &3«£«2, the " doctrine" or
" teaching" of the Apostles. Prafat. in
Const. Apost. So does Beveridge, Cod.
Can. Illustr. ii. 9. §. 5.
u [Petri] in Sede sua vivit potestas
et excellitauctoritas. Leon.Serm.iii.3.
vid. contra Barrow on the Supremacy,
p. 116. ed. 1836. " not one Bishop, but
all Bishops together through the whole
Church, do sucoeed St. Peter, or any
other Apostle."
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58 Benediction.
Apol. I pray for your health in the Lord, brethren dearly
ao. An. fr e } ove j ajjfl greatly longed for.
§. 86. 28. Thus wrote the Council of Rome by Julius Bishop of
Rome.
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CHAP. III.
LETTERS OF THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA TO THE CHURCHES OF
EGYPT AND OF ALEXANDRIA, AND TO ALL CHURCHES.
1. But when, notwithstanding, the Eusebians proceeded
without shame, disturbing the Churches, and plotting the
ruin of many, the most religious Emperors Constantius and
Constans being informed of this, commanded 1 the Bishops 1 UUi#-
from both the West and East to meet together in the city of**'
Sardica. In the mean time Eusebius* died: but a P eat ^ e ^
number assembled from all parts, and we challenged the
associates of Eusebius to submit to a trial. But they,
haying before their eyes the things that they had done, and
perceiving that their accusers had come up to the Council,
were afraid to do this ; but, while all beside met with honest
intentions, they again brought with them the Counts* Mu-^ 1 ^
sonianus* and Hesychius the Castrensian b , that, as their
custom was, they might effect their own aims by their
authority. But when the Council met without the Counts,
and no soldiers were permitted to be present, they were
confounded, and conscience-stricken, because they could no
longer obtain what judgment they wished, but such only as
reason and truth 4 required. We, however, frequently repeated 4 J ***
our challenge, and the Council of Bishops called upon them*^!^
to come forward, saying, " You have come for the purpose ^j 1 - P»
of undergoing a trial; why then do you now withdraw
yourselves ? Either you ought not to have come, or having
come, not to conceal yourselves. Such conduct will prove
* Musonian was originally of An- p. 73, note a.) Libanius praises him.
tioch, and his name Strategius ; be b The Castrensians were the officers
had been promoted and honoured with of the palace ; castra, as
a new name by Constantine, for whom infr. §. 86. being at this time used for
he had collected information about the the Imperial Court, vid. Gothofred in
Manichees. Amm. Marc. xv. 13. §. 1. Cod. Theod. vi. 30. p. 218. Ducange in
In 354, he was Praetorian Prefect of the voc.
East. (rid. Libr. of F. O. T. vol. viii.
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Goo;
60 Retreat of the Eusebians from Sardica.
A pol. your greatest condemnation. Behold, Athanasius and his
^lA^" friends are here, whom you accused while absent; if there-
fore you think that you have any thing against them, you
may convict them face to face. But if you pretend to be
unwilling to do so, while in truth you are unable, you plainly
shew yourselves to be calumniators, and the Council will
give sentence against you accordingly." When they heard
this they were self-condemned, (for they were conscious of
their machinations and fabrications against us,) and were
ashamed to appear, thereby proving themselves to have been
guilty of many base calumnies.
2. The holy Council therefore denounced their indecent and
» to Phi- suspicious flight 1 , and admitted us to make our defence;
hppopo- an( j w j ien we had related their conduct towards us, and
proved the truth of our statements by witnesses and other
evidence, they were filled with astonishment, and all ac-
knowledged that our opponents had good reason to be
afraid to meet the Council, lest their guilt should be proved
before their faces. They said also, that probably they had
come from the East, supposing that Athanasius and his
friends would not appear, but that, when they saw them con-
fident in their cause, and challenging a trial, they fled.
They accordingly received us as injured persons who had
2 been falsely accused, and confirmed 2 yet more towards us
**' r Xm their fellowship and loving hospitality 3 . But they deposed
P^ps, Eusebius's associates in wickedness, who had become even
3 *y«*«f. more shameless than himself, viz. Theodorus 4 of Heraclea, Nar-
not/b ' c * ssus °f Neronias, Acacius 5 of Caesarea, Stephanus 6 of Antioch,
5 vol. 8, Ursacius and Valens of Pannonia, Menophantus of Ephesus,
e Hist. ^ ^ George 7 of Laodicaea; and they wrote to the Bishops in
Arian. a ll parts of the world, and to the diocese 8 of each of the
^p?25.f. injured persons, in the following terms.
*'* 3. Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Church of
Alexandria.
9 vid The Holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at
supr. p. Sardica, from 9 Rome, Spain, Gaul, Italy, Campania, Calabria,
where Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, Pannonia, Mysia, Dacia, Noricum,
Them*-' Siscia > Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly,
ly, Sici- Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete,
ly, Bri-
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The Council of Sardica to the Alexandrian Church. 61
and Egypt, to their dearly beloved brethren, the Presbyters Tr. 1 1,
and Deacons, and to all the Holy Church of God abiding at 36t 37 '
Alexandria, sends health in the Lord. Sdd^ 0,
We were not ignorant, but the fact was well known to us,
even before we received the letters of your piety, that the Hi«t. ii.
supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians werep;^,
practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the §. 37.
destruction of their own souls, than to the injury of the
Church. For this has ever been the object of their unprin-
cipled craft; this is the deadly design in which they have been
continually engaged; viz. how they may best expel from
their places and persecute all who are to be found any where
of orthodox sentiments, and maintaining the doctrine of the
Catholic Church, which was delivered to them from the
Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations ;
others they have driven into banishment ; others they have
destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. Thus also
they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the
innocence of our brother and fellow Bishop Athanasius, and
therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any
scrupulous care, without any faith, without any sort of
justice. Accordingly having no confidence in the part they
had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had
circulated against him, but perceiving that they were unable
to produce any certain evidence respecting them, when they
came to the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to meet the
Council of all the holy Bishops. From this it became
evident that the decision of our brother and fellow-Bishop
Julius was a just one 1 ; for after cautious deliberation and 'vid.
care he had determined, that we ought not to hesitate at allg^'J^
about holding communion with our brother Athanasius. p*
For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and
was also able to advance this fair argument in his support,
that by the mere means of our dearly beloved brethren his own
Presbyters, and by correspondence, he had defeated the
designs of the Eusebians, who relied more upon violence
than upon a judicial enquiry.
4. Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon
holding communion with Athanasius on the ground that he
was innocent. And let your charity also observe, that when
Digitized by
62 Letter of the Council of Sardica
A pol. he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the
ao. A». Bj s jj 0 p S 0 f tne jg ast were informed of the circumstance, as
we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions conveyed
1 Uxii by word of mouth, and were summoned 1 by us to be present.
vld?p. ® ut > being condemned by their own conscience, they had
49. r. 3. recourse to unbecoming excuses, and set themselves to avoid
the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man should
be rejected from our communion, just as if he had been
guilty, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how
impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the Reports
which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked
«sopr. and most profligate youths*, to whose hands one would not
notem. commit the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain
that they were ex parte statements. For neither was our
brother the Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor
the Presbyter Macarius who was accused by them. And
besides, their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts,
was attended by the most disgraceful circumstances. Some-
times heathens, sometimes Catechumens, were examined,
not that they might declare what they knew, but that they
might assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by
others. And when you Presbyters, who were anxious in the
absence of your Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry,
in order that you might shew the truth, and disprove false-
hood, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit
you to be present, but drove you away with insult.
5. Now although their calumnies have been most plainly
exposed before all men by these circumstances ; yet we found
also, on reading the Reports, that that most iniquitous person,
Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of
Bishop as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted
himself of calumny. He declares in the Reports that at the
very time when, according to his positive assertions, Macarius
entered his cell, he lay there sick ; whereas the Eusebians
have had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing
» pp. 30, U p offering the oblations, when Macarius came in 8 .
§. 88. 6* The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged
against him, has become well-known to all men. They
raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had com-
mitted murder, and had destroyed one Arsenius a Meletian
Digitized by Google
to the Church of Alexandria.
68
Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned Tn. II.
lamentations and untrue tears, and demanded that the body — —
of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to
them. But their fraud was easily detected : one and all
knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among
the living 1 . ^£P-
7. And when these men, who are ready upon any op-
portunity, perceived their falsehoods detected, (for Arsenius
shewed himself alive, and so proved that he had not been
destroyed, and was not dead,) yet they would not rest, but
proceeded to other calumnies 9 , and to slander Athanasius by*™i.
a fresh expedient. Well; our brother, dearly beloved, was
not confounded, but again in the present case also with 87 *
great boldness challenged them to the proof, and we too
prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they
were able, to establish their charge against him. O great
arrogance ! O dreadful pride ! or rather, if one must say the
troth, O evil and guilt-stricken conscience ! for this is the
view which all men take of it
& Wherefore, dearly beloved brethren, we admonish and
exhort you, above all things to maintain the right faith of
the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe
and grievous trials ; many are the insults and injuries which
the Catholic Church has suffered, but he that endureth to Matt
the end the same shall be saved. Wherefore even though '
they shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be
unto you for joy. For such afflictions have a share in
martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures as yours will
not be without their reward, but ye shall receive the prize
from God. Therefore strive above all things in support of
the sound faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and
our brother Athanasius. We also have not held our peace,
nor been negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have
deliberated and done whatsoever the claims of charity
demand. We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and
their afflictions we consider as our own.
9. Accordingly we have written to beseech our most re- §. 39.
ligious and godly Emperors, that their Graces would give
orders for the release of those who are still suffering from
affliction and oppression, and would command that none of
Digitized by
64 The Council of Sardica to the AlexandHan Church.
Apol. the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil
ag>Ar * causes, give judgment upon Clergy 0 , nor henceforward
in any way, on pretence of providing for the Churches,
attempt any thing against the brethren ; but that every one
may live, as he prays and desires to do, free from persecution,
from violence and fraud, and in quietness and peace may
follow the Catholic and Apostolic Faith. As for Gregory,
who has the reputation of being illegally ordained by the
heretics, and has been sent by them to your city, we wish
your unanimity to understand, that he has been degraded by
a judgment of the whole sacred Council, although indeed he
has never at any time been considered to be Bishop at all.
Wherefore receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius, for to this
end we have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all
those who either through fear, or through the intrigues of
certain persons, have held communion with Gregory, that
now being admonished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they
withdraw from that his accursed communion, and straight-
way unite themselves to the Catholic Church.
§. 40. 10. Forasmuch as we have learnt that Aphthonius, Athana-
1 supr. sius the son of Capito, Paul, and Plutio, our fellow Presbyters l ,
p ' 35# have also suffered from the machinations of the Eusebians,
so that some of them have had trial of exile, and others have
fled on peril of their lives, we have in consequence thought
it necessary to make this known unto you, that you may
understand that we have received and acquitted them also,
being aware that whatever has been done by the Eusebians
against the Orthodox has tended to the glory and com-
mendation of those who have been attacked by them. It
were fitting that your Bishop and our brother Athanasius
should make this known to you respecting them, to his own
respecting his own ; but as for more abundant testimony he
wished the holy Council also to write to you, we deferred
not to do so, but hastened to signify this unto you, that you
may receive them as we have done, for they also are de-
serving of praise, because through their piety towards Christ
they have been thought worthy to endure violence at the
hands of the heretics.
c vid. Bingham Antiqu. v. 2. §. 5. Bassi. Biblioth. Jur. t. 1. p. 276. Bel-
Sec. Gieseler £ccl. Hist. vol. 1. p. 242. larra. de Cleric. 28.
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The Council of Sardica to the Bishops of Egypt. 65
II. What decrees have been past by the holy Council against Tm. II.
those who are at the head of the Arian heresy, and have 40> 41 *
offended against you, and the rest of the Churches, you will
learn from the subjoined documents We have sent them to 1
you, that you may understand from them that the Catholic Letter!'
Church will not overlook those who offend against her. P-
12. Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Bishops of
Egypt and Libya.
The holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at
Sardica, to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya, their fellow
ministers and dearly beloved brethren, sends health in the
Lord.
We were not ignorant d , but the fact was well known to us, §. 41.
even before we received the letters of your piety, that the
supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians were
practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the
destruction of their own souls, than to the injury of the
Church. For this has ever been the object of their craft and
villainy : this is the deadly design in which they have been
continually engaged, viz. how they may best expel from
their places and persecute all who are to be found any where
of orthodox sentiments, and maintaining the doctrine of the
Catholic Church, which was delivered to them from the
Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations;
others they have driven into banishment ; others they have
destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. Thus also
they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the
innocence of our brother and fellow Bishop Athanasius, and
therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any
scrupulous care, without any faith, without any sort of
justice. Accordingly, having^no confidence in the part they
had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had
circulated against him, but perceiving that they were unable
to produce any certain evidence respecting them, when they
came to the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to meet the
Council of all the holy Bishops. From this it became
evident that the decision of our brother and fellow Bishop
d It will be observed that this Letter It was first printed in the Benedictine
m nearly a transcript of the foregoing. Edition.
F
Digitized by
66
Letter of the Council of Sardica
apol. Julius was a just one ; for after cautious deliberation and
* Q * R ' care he had decided, that we ought not to hesitate at all
about holding communion with our brother Athanasius.
For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and
was also able to advance this fair argument in his support,
that by the mere means of our dearly beloved brethren his own
Presbyters, and by correspondence, he had defeated the
designs of the Eusebians, who relied more upon violence,
than upon a judicial enquiry.
13. Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined
upon holding communion with Athanasius on the ground
that he was innocent. And let your charity also observe,
that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica,
the Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance,
as we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions con-
veyed by word of mouth, and were invited by us to be
present. But, being condemned by their own conscience,
they had recourse to unbecoming excuses, and began to
avoid the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man
should be rejected from our communion, just as if he had
been guilty, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how
impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the reports
which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked
and abandoned youths, to whose hands one would not commit
the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they
were ex parte statements. For neither was our brother the
Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor the Presbyter
Macarius, who was accused by them. And besides, their
enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended by
the most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes Heathens,
sometimes Catechumens, were examined, not that they might
declare what they knew, but that they might assert those
falsehoods which they had been taught by others. And when
you Presbyters, who were anxious in the absence of your
Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry, in order that
you might shew the truth, and disprove falsehood, no regard
was paid to you ; they would not permit you to be present,
but drove you away with insult.
14. Now although their calumnies have been most plainly
exposed before all men by these circumstances; yet we
Digitized by Google
to the Bishops qf Egypt and Libya. 67
found also, on reading the Reports, that that most ini- Tr. II.
quitous person Ischyras, who has obtained from them 41 ' 42 '
the empty title of Bishop as his reward for the false ac-
cusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He declares
in the Reports, that at the very time when, according
to his positive assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay
there sick ; whereas the Eusebians have had the boldness to
write that Ischyras was standing up and offering the oblations,
when Macarius came in.
15. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged §. 42.
against him has become well known unto all men. They
raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had com-
mitted murder, and destroyed one Arsenius a Meletian
Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned
lamentations, and untrue tears, and demanded that the body
of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to them.
But their fraud was easily detected ; one and all knew that
the person was alive, and was numbered among the living.
16. And when these men, who are ready upon any oppor-
tunity, perceived their falsehood detected, (for Arsenius shewed
himself alive, and so proved that he had not been destroyed,
and was not dead,) yet they would not rest, but proceeded to
add other to their former calumnies, and to slander Atha-
nasius by a fresh expedient. Well: our brother, dearly
beloved, was not confounded, but again in the present case
also with great boldness challenged them to the proof, and
we too prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if
toey were able, to establish their charge against him. O
great arrogance ! O dreadful pride ! or rather, if one must
say the truth, O evil and guilt-stricken conscience ! for this
is the view which all men take of it.
17. Wherefore, dearly beloved brethren, we admonish and
exhort you, above all things, to maintain the right faith of
the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe and
grievous trials ; many are the insults and injuries which the
Catholic Church has suffered, but he that endureth to /^Mat.io,
end, the same shall be saved. Wherefore, even though they
shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be unto
you for joy. For such afflictions have a share in martyrdom,
and such confessions and tortures as yours will not be with-
f2
Digitized b
68 The Council of Sardica to the Bishops of Egypt.
Apol. out their reward, but ye shall receive the prize from God.
ag. Ar. Therefore, strive above all things in support of the sound
Faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our brother
Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, nor been
negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have deli-
berated and done whatever the claims of charity demand.
We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and their afflic-
tions we consider as our own, and have mingled our tears
with yours. And you, brethren, are not the only persons
who have suffered: many others also of our brethren in
ministry have come hither, bitterly lamenting these things.
§. 43. 18. Accordingly, we have written to beseech our most reli-
gious and godly Emperors, that their Graces would give
orders for the release of those who are still suffering from
affliction and oppression, and would command that none of
the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil
causes, give judgment upon Clergy, nor henceforward in any
way, on pretence of providing for the Churches, attempt any
thing against the brethren, but that every one may live, as he
prays and desires to do, free from persecution, from violence
and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic
and Apostolic Faith. As for Gregory who has the reputation
of being illegally ordained by the heretics, and who has been
sent by them to your city, we wish your unanimity to under-
stand, that he has been degraded by the judgment of the
whole sacred Council, although indeed he has never at any
time been considered to be a Bishop at all. Wherefore
receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius; for to this end we
have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all those, who
either through fear, or through the intrigues of certain persons,
have held communion with Gregory, that being now admo-
nished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they withdraw from
his accursed communion, and straightway unite themselves
to the Catholic Church.
19. What decrees have been passed by the holy Council
against Theodorus, Narcissus, Stephanus, Acacius, Meno-
i p>60> phantus, Ursacius, Valens, and George 1 , who are the heads
of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you and the
rest of the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined
documents. We have sent them to you, that your piety may
Digitized by Google
Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica. 09
assent to our decisions, and that you may understand fromTn. II.
them, that the Catholic Church will not overlook those who 4 -±—
offend against her.
20. Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica.
The holy Council », by the grace of God, assembled at 1 vid.
Sardica, to their dearly beloved brethren, the Bishops and h^h.
fellow-Ministers of the Catholic Church every where, sends 6. HH.
health in the Lord. Fragm.
The Arian fanatics have dared repeatedly to attack the§. 44.
servants of God, who maintain the right faith ; they attempted
to substitute a spurious doctrine, and to drive out the ortho-
dox ; and at last they made so violent an assault against the
Faith, that it became known to the piety of our most religious
Emperors. Accordingly, the grace of God assisting them,
our most religious Emperors have themselves assembled us
together out of different provinces and cities, and have per-
mitted this holy Council to be held in the city of Sardica; to
the end that all dissension may be done away, and all false
doctrine being driven from us, Christian godliness may alone
be maintained by all men. The Bishops of the East also
attended, being exhorted to do so by the most religious
Emperors, chiefly on account of the reports they have so
often circulated concerning our dearly beloved brethren and
fellow-ministers Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, and
Marcellus Bishop of Ancyro-Galatia. Their calumnies
have probably already reached you, and perhaps they have
attempted to disturb your ears, that you may be induced to
believe their charges against those innocent men, and that
they may obliterate from your minds any suspicions respect-
ing their own wicked heresy. But they have not been
permitted to effect this to any great extent; for the Lord is
the Defender of His Churches, who endured death for their
sakes and for us all, and provided access to heaven for us all
through Himself. When therefore the Eusebians wrote long
ago to Julius our brother and Bishop of the Church of the
Romans, against our fore-mentioned brethren, that is to say,
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas 6 , the Bishops from the
e Asclepas, or Asclepius of Gaza, Fathers, and according to Theod. Hist. i.
Epiph.Hffir.69.4.wa8oneoftheNicene 27. was at the Council of Tyre, which
70
Encyclical Letter
A pol. other parts wrote also, testifying to the innocence of our
— ! — "fellow-minister Athanasius, and declaring that the repre-
sentations of the Eusebians were nothing else but mere false-
hood and calumny.
21. And indeed their calumnies were clearly proved by the
1 **»^»-fact that, when they were called 1 to a Council by our dearly
beloved fellow-minister Julius, they would not come, and
also by what was written to them by Julius himself. For
had they had confidence in the measures and the acts in which
they were engaged against our brethren, they would have
come. And besides, they gave a still more evident proof of
their conspiracy by their conduct in this great and holy
Council. For when they arrived at the city of Sardica, and
saw our brethren Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas, and the
rest, they were afraid to come to a trial, and though they
were repeatedly invited to attend, they would not obey the
summons. Although all we Bishops met together, and
above all that man of an happy old age, Hosius, one
who on account of his age, his confession, and the many
labours he has undergone, is worthy of all reverence ;
and although we waited and besought them to come to the
trial, that in the presence of our fellow-ministers they might
establish the truth of those charges which they had circulated
and written against them in their absence ; yet they would
not come, when they were thus called, as we said before, thus
giving proof of their calumnies, and almost proclaiming to
the world by this their refusal, the plot and conspiracy in
which they have been engaged. They who are confident of
the truth of their assertions are able to make them good
against their opponents face to face. But as they would not
meet us, we think that no one can now doubt, however they
may again have recourse to their bad practices, that they
possess no proof against our brethren, but calumniate them
in their absence, while they avoid their presence.
A than, also attended, but only by com- on the charge of having overturned an
pulsion. According to the Eusebians altar; and, after Athan. infr.§. 47. that
at Fhilippopolis, they had deposed him he was acquitted at Sardica on the
about 330, if the Council of Sardica ground that Eusebius of Csesarea and
was held 347. They state, however, others had reinstated him in his see,
at the same time, that he had been con- (before 339.) There is mention of a
demned by Athanasius and Marcellus. Church built by him in Gaza, ap. Bol-
vid. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 13. Sozomen, land. Febr. 26. Vit. S. Porphyr. n. 20.
Hist iii. 8. says that they deposed him p. 648.
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of the Council of Sardica.
71
22. They fled, dearly beloved brethren, not only on account Tb. II.
of the calumnies they had uttered, but because they saw that t-^ 1 —
those had come who had various charges to advance against^* ^*
them. For chains and iron were brought forward which
they had used ; persons appeared who had returned from
banishment; there came also our brethren, kinsmen of those
who were still detained in exile, and friends of such as had
perished through their means. And what was the most
weighty ground of accusation, Bishops were present, one 1 of
whom brought forward the iron and the chains which they
had caused him to wear, and others testified to the deaths
which had been brought about by their calumnies. For
they had proceeded to such a pitch of madness, as even to
attempt to destroy Bishops ; and would have destroyed
them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow-
minister, Theodulus of blessed memory*, died during his flight
from their false accusations, orders having been given in
consequence of these to put him to death. Others also ex-
hibited sword-wounds ; and others complained that they
had been exposed to the pains of hunger through their
means. Nor were they ordinary persons who testified to
these things, but whole Churches, in whose behalf legates
appeared 11 , and told us of soldiers sword in hand, of multi-
tudes armed with clubs, of the threats of judges, of the use
of forged letters. For there were read certain forged letters
of Theognius against our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Mar-
cellus, and Asclepas, written with the design of exasperating
the Emperors against them ; and those who had then been
Deacons of Theognius proved the fact. In addition to
these things, we heard of virgins stripped naked, Churches
f Perhaps Lucius of Hadrianople, stans, who died 360. Hist. ii. 26.
8ays Montfaucon, referring to Apol. de h The usual proceeding of the Arians
Fug. §. 3. vid. also Hist. Arian. 19. was to retort upon the Catholics the
8 Theodulus, Bishop of Trajancpolis charges which they brought against
in Thrace, who is here spoken of as them, supr. p. 54, note p. Accordingly,
deceased, seems to have suffered this in their Encyclical from Philippopolis,
persecution from the Eusebians upon they say that " a vast multitude had
their retreat from Sardica, vid. Athan. congregated at Sardica, of wicked and
Hist. Arian. §. 19. "We must suppose abandoned persons, from Constantinople
then with Montfaucon, that the Coun- and Alexandria; who lay under charges
cil, from whom this letter proceeds, sat of murder, blood, slaughter, robbery,
some considerable time after that re- plunder, spoiling, and all nameless sa-
treat, and that the proceedings spoken crileges and crimes ; who had broken
of took place in the interval. Socrates, altars, burnt Churches, ransacked pri-
however, makes Theodulus survive Con- vate*.houses, &c. &c. Hil. Fragm iii. 19.
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75 Encyclical Letter
Apol. burnt, ministers in custody, and all for no other end, but
— — — only for the sake of the accursed heresy of the Arian fanatics,
whose communion whoso refused was forced to suffer these
things.
23. When they perceived then how matters lay, they were
in a strait what course to choose. They were ashamed to
confess all that they had done, but were unable to conceal it
any longer. They therefore came to the city of Sardica,
that by their appearance there they might seem to remove
suspicion from themselves of the guilt of such things. But
when they saw those whom they had calumniated, and those
who had suffered at their hands ; when they had before their
eyes their accusers and the proofs of their guilt, they were
unwilling to come forward, though invited by our fellow-
ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, who with
great freedom complained of their conduct, and urged and
challenged them to the trial, promising not only to refute
their calumnies, but also to bring proof of the offences which
they had committed against their Churches. But they were
seized with such terrors of conscience, that they fled; and in
doing so they exposed their own calumnies, and confessed by
running away the crimes of which they had been guilty.
§. 46. 24. But although their malice and their calumnies have been
plainly manifested on this as well as on former occasions,
yet that they may not devise means of practising a farther
mischief in consequence of their flight, we have considered it
advisable to examine the part they have played according to
1 »upr. the principles of truth 1 ; this has been our purpose, and we
ref. 2. have found them calumniators by their acts, and authors of
Orat l. nothing else than a plot against our brethren in ministry.
y. 227 For Arsenius, who they said had been murdered by
Athanasius, is still alive, and is numbered among the living ;
from which we may infer that the reports they have
circulated on other subjects are fabrications also. And
whereas they spread abroad a rumour concerning a chalice,
which they said had been broken by Macarius the Presbyter
of Athanasius, those who came from Alexandria, the Mareotis,
and the other parts, testified that nothing of the kind had
»p.30. taken place. And the Egyptian Bishops 9 who wrote to
Julius our brother in ministry, positively affirmed that there
Digitized by Google
qf the Council qf Sardica.
73
(fid not exist among them even any suspicion whatever of Tr. II.
such a thing. 46 > 47 '
25. Moreover, the Reports, which they say they have to
produce against him, are, as is notorious, ex parte state-
ments; and even in the formation of these very Reports,
Heathens and Catechumens were examined ; one of whom,
a Catechumen, said 1 in his examination that he was present 1 pp.48,
in the room, when Macarius broke in upon them ; and another *
declared, that Ischyras of whom they speak so much, lay
sick in his cell at the time ; from which it appears that the
Mysteries were never celebrated at all, because Catechumens
were present, and also that Ischyras was not there, but was
lying sick on his bed. Besides, this wicked wretch Ischyras,
who has falsely asserted, as he was convicted of doing,
that Athanasius had burnt some of the sacred books, has
himself confessed that he was sick, and was lying in his bed
when Macarius came; from which it is plain that he is a
slanderer. Nevertheless, as a reward for these his calumnies,
they have given to this very Ischyras the title of Bishop,
although he has never been even a Presbyter. For two
Presbyters, who were once associated with Meletius, but
were afterwards received by Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria,
of blessed memory, and are now with Athanasius, appeared
before the Council, and testified that he was not even a
Presbyter of Meletius, and that Meletius never had either
Church or Minister in the Mareotis. And yet this man, who
has never been even a Presbyter, they have now brought
forward as a Bishop, that by this name they may have a
means of overpowering those who are within hearing his
calumnies.
26. The book of our brother Marcellus was also read, by §. 47.
which the fraud of the Eusebians were plainly discovered.
For what Marcellus had advanced by way of enquiry 2 , they 8 vid.de
falsely represented as his professed opinion; but when the^fvoLs!
subsequent parts of the book were read, and the parts p. 44, e.
preceding these queries, his faith was found to be correct.
He had never pretended, as they positively affirmed', that the'deSyn.
word of God had His beginning from holy Mary, nor that Hisj^"^
kingdom had an end; on the contrary he had written that note r.
His kingdom was both without beginning and without end.
74
Encyclical Letter
Apol. Our brother Asclepas also produced Reports which had been
AQ ' A *' drawn up at Antioch in the presence of his accusers and
Eusebius of Caesarea, and proved that he was innocent by
*p.7o.e. the sentence of the Bishops who judged his cause 1 . They
had good reason therefore, dearly beloved brethren, for
disobeying our frequent summons, and for deserting the
Council. They were driven to this by their own consciences;
but their flight only confirmed the proof of their calumnies,
and caused those things to be believed against them, which
their accusers, who were present, were asserting and arguing.
But besides all these things, they had not only received
those who were formerly degraded and ejected on account of
the Arian heresy, but had even promoted them to a higher
station, advancing Deacons to the Presbytery, and of Pres-
byters making Bishops, for no other end, but that they might
disseminate and spread abroad impiety, and corrupt the
orthodox faith.
§. 48. 27. Their present leaders are, after Eusebius, Theodorus of
Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephanus of
Antioeb, George of Laodicea, Acacius of Caesarea in Pales-
tine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia, Ursacius of Singi-
donum in Mysia, and Valens of Mursia in Pannonia 1 . These
men would not permit those who came with them from the
East to meet the holy Council, nor even to approach the Church
of God ; but as they were coming to Sardica, they held Councils
in various places by themselves, and made an engagement under
threats, that when they came to Sardica, they would not at
all appear at the trial, nor attend the assembling of the holy
Council, but simply coming, and making known their arrival
as a matter of form, would speedily take to flight. This we have
been able to ascertain from our brethren in ministry, Macarius
of Palestine and Asterius of Arabia k , who after coming in their
company, separated themselves from their unbelief. These
came to the holy Council, and complained of the violence they
had suffered, and said that no orthodox act proceeded from
them ; adding that there were many among them who adhered
1 Vid. supr. p. 31, note m. p. 60. ref. the Council banished by Eusebian in-
4. &c. vol. 8. p. 74, note d. About Ste- fluence into upper Libya, where they
phanus, vid. infr. Hist. Arian. §. 20. suffered extreme ill usage, vid. infr.
k These two Bishops were soon after Hist. Arian. §. 18.
Digitized by Google
qf the Council qf Sardica.
75
to the true doctrine, but were prevented by those men from Tm. IT.
coining hither, by means of the threats and promises which 48>
they held out to those who wished to separate from them.
On this account it was that they were so anxious that all
should abide in one dwelling, and would not suffer them to
be by themselves even for the shortest space of time.
28. Since then it became us not to hold our peace, nor to §. 49.
pass over unnoticed their calumnies, imprisonments, murders,
scourgings, conspiracies by means of forged letters, outrages,
stripping of the virgins, banishments, destruction of the
Churches, burnings, translations from small cities to larger
dioceses, and above all, the rising of the accursed Arian heresy
by their means against the orthodox faith ; we have therefore
pronounced our dearly beloved brethren and fellow-ministers
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and those who minister
tothe Lord with them, to be innocent and clear of offence,
and have written to the diocese of each, that the people of
each Church may know the innocence of their own Bishop,
and may esteem him as their Bishop and expect his coming.
29. And as for those who like wolves 1 have invaded their 1
Churches, Gregory at Alexandria, Basil at Ancyra, anda^* 20 '
Quintianus at Gaza, let them neither give them the title of
Bishop, nor hold any communion at all with them, nor
receive letters* from them, nor write to them. And for* p. 8.
Theodoras, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephanus, Ursacius, Valens, n 8 "
Menophantus, and George, although the last from fear did
not come from the East, yet because he was degraded by
the blessed Alexander, and because both he and the others
were connected with the Arian fanaticism, as well as on
account of the charges which lie against them, the holy
Council has unanimously deposed them from the Episcopate,
and we have decided that they not only are not Bishops, but
that they are unworthy of holding communion with the
faithful.
30. For they who separate the Son and alienate the Word
from the Father, ought themselves to be separated from the
Catholic Church and to be alien from the Christian name.
Let them therefore be anathema to you, because they have
adulterated the word of truth. It is an Apostolic injunction,
If any man preach any otherGospel unto you than that ye have Gai.1,9.
Digitized by
76 Subscriptions to the Letter
Apol. received, let him be accursed. Charge your people that no
— Ar * one hold communion with them, for there is no communion
of light with darkness; put away from you all these, for
3 Cor. 6, there is no concord of Christ with Belial. And take heed,
14 15
dearly beloved, that ye neither write to them, nor receive
letters from them; but desire rather, brethren and fellow-
ministers, as being present in spirit with our Council, to
assent to our judgments by your subscriptions 1 , to the end
that concord may be preserved by all our fellow -ministers
every where. May Divine Providence protect and keep
you, dearly beloved brethren, in sanctification and joy.
I, Hosius, Bishop, have subscribed this, and all the rest
likewise.
31. This is the letter which the Council of Sardica sent to
those who were unable to attend, and they on the other hand
gave their judgment in accordance; and the following are the
names both of those Bishops who subscribed in the Council,
and of the others also.
§. 50. Hosius of Spain m , Julius of Rome by his Presbyters
Archidamus and Philoxenus, Protogenes of Sardica, Gau-
i of Ra- dentius,Macedonius, Severus 1 , PraBtextatus s ,Ursicius s ,Lucil-
lof^.lus 4 , Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius 5 , Bassus, Vin-
3 of Bre cent * us *> Stercorius,Palladius,Domitianus,Chalbis,Gerontius,
scia. " Protasius 7 , Eulogus, Porphyrius 8 , Dioscorus, Zozimus, Janua-
ronaT 6 " r * us ' ^ozimus, Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Mar-
* of Me- tyrius, Eutherius, Eucarpus, Athenodorus, Irenaeus, Julianus,
"ofba- Alypius, Jonas, Aetius 9 , Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus,
nua, Vitalius,Valens,Hermogenes,Castus,Domitianus,Fortunatius 10 ,
lan. ! " Marcus, Annianus, Heliodorus, Musaeus, Asterius, Paregorius,
SofPhi-
lippi.
9ofTh
SofThes-
10 kpj?** 1 In like manner the Council of Chal- even before Protogenes, Bishop of the
* ° 1 ' cedon was confirmed by as many as place. Basnage, Ann. 347. 5. Febro
io of A
quilea.
470 subscriptions, according to Ephrem, nius considers that Hosius signed here
(Phot. Bibl. p. 801.) by 1600 accord- and at Niccea, as a sort of represen-
ing to Eulogius, (ibid. p. 877.) i. e. of tative of the civil, and the Legates of the
Bishops, Archimandrites, &c. ecclesiastical supremacy, de Stat. Eccl.
a Hosius is called by Athan. the vi. 4. And so Thomassin, " Imperator
father and the president of the Council, velut exterior Episcopus : pnefuit autem
Hist. Arian. 15. 16* Roman contro- summus Pontifex, ut Episcopus into-
versialists here explain why Hosius rior." Dissert, in Cone. x. 14. The
does not sign himself as the Pope's Pope never attended in person the
legate, De Marc. Concord, v. 4. Alter. Eastern Councils. Su Leo excuses
Dissert, ix. and Protestants why his himself on the plea of its being against
legates rank before all the other Bishops, usage. Epp. 37. and 93,
Digitized by Google
of the Council of Sardica.
77
Pfotarchus, Hymenaeus, Athanasius, Lucius, Amantius, Arius,Tm. II.
iscJepius, Dionysius, Maximus 1 , Tryphon, Alexander, Anti-^j^
gonus, iElianus, Petrus, Symphorus, Musonius, Eutychus,ca.
Philologius, Spudasius, Zozimus, Patricius, Adolius, Sa-
pricius.
From Gaul the following; Maximianus*, VerissimusV 0 '
Victuras, Valentinus 4 , Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dys-a^ L y -
colius, Severinus 5 , Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus, Optatianus,J°"«
Nicasius, Victor 6 , Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jesses, Aries.
Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus 7 , Amillianus, Justini- fl < ^ eM#
anus, Victorinus 8 , Saturnilus, Abundantius, Donatianus, Wonn§.
Maximus.
From Africa ; Nessus, Gratus 9 , Megasius, Coldseus, ^g*"^^* -
tianus, Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Heren-thage.
nianus, Marianus, Valerius, Dynamius, Myzonius, Justus,
Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, Honoratus, Marinus, Panta-
gathus, Felix, Bandius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus,
Victor, Hesperio, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus,
Fidentius, Salustius, Paschasius.
From Egypt ; Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon,
Romulus, Tiberinus, Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius,
Dioscorus, Fortunatianus, Bastamon, Datyllus, Andreas,
Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus,
Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hennias, Arabion, Pseno-
siris, Apollonius, Muis, Sarapampon 10 , Philo, Philippus, 10 p. 63,
Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus, Nilammon, °*
Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isac, Theodorus, $• 78.
Apollos, Ammonianus, Nilus, Heraclius, Arion, Athas,
Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon, Apollonius, Helias, Pani-
nuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Sarapion, Ammonius,
Ammonius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempro-
nianus, Philo, Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius,
Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus, Psaes, Syrus, Apphus,
Sarapion, Esaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius,
Musaeus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Hero, Helias, Anagamphus,
Apollonius, Gaius, Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudaemon,
Julius.
Those in the cross roads" of Italy are, Probatius, Viator,
n •j'ifrj x«y*x; y r«*lT«x/*f. " Ca- verum via transversa, qua iD regiam
nalis est, non via regia aut militaris, seu basilicam influit, quasi aqua cana-
78
Subscriptions.
Apoi. Facundinus, Joseph, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus, Hera-
ka. An. c )j anu8> F aus tinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalius, Felix,
Crispinus, Paulianus.
From Cyprus ; Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius,
Irenicus, Nunechius, Atbanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius,
Spyridon, Norbanus, Sosicrates.
From Palestine ; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius,
Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius,
Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Petrus.
These are the names of those who subscribed to the acts
of the Council ; but there are very many beside, out of Asia,
l p. 60. Phrygia, and Isauria 1 , who wrote in my behalf before this
Council was held, and whose names, nearly sixty-three in
number, may be found in their own letters. They amount
altogether to three hundred and forty-four °.
lis in alveum." Gothofred. in Cod.
Theod. vi. de Curiosis, p. 196. who
illustrates the word at length. Du
Cange on the contrary, m voc. explains
it of " the high road." Tillemont pro-
fesses himself unable to give a satis-
factory sense to it. vol. viii. p. 685.
0 There is great uncertainty what
was the actual number of Bishops pre-
sent at the Council. Athan. Hist
Arian. $. 16. says 170, while Theodoret
names 260. Hist ii. 6. If the West-
ern Bishops, whose signatures are given
by Athan. in the text to the number of
163, were all present, it might have
been conjectured that he was speaking
of the Western only ; but he expressly
includes the Eastern. In that case,
subtracting the 73 or 80 Eusebians,
so small a majority of orthodox remains,
that it is incredible, considering the no-
torious dexterity and unscrupulousness
of the Eusebians in Synodal meetings,
that they should have been obliged to
secede. Athan. says, supr. §. 1. that
the Letter of the Council was signed in
all by more than 300. It will be ob-
served, that Athan.'s numbers in the
text do not accurately agree with each
other. The subscriptions enumerated
are 284, to which 63 being added,
make a total of 347, not 344.
Digitized by Google
CHAR IV.
IMPERIAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL ACTS IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE
DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA.
1. When the most religious Emperor Constantius heard of §. 51.
these things, he sent for me, having written privately to his
brother Constans of blessed memory, and to me three several
times in the following terms.
2. Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius.
Our benignant clemency will not suffer you to be any
longer tempest-tossed by the wild waves of the sea ; for our
unwearied piety has not lost sight of you, while you have
been bereft of your native home, deprived of your goods, and
have been wandering in savage wildernesses. And although
1 have for a long time deferred expressing by letter the
purpose of my mind concerning you, principally because I
expected that you would appear before us of your own
accord, and would seek a relief of your sufferings ; yet foras-
much as fear, it may be, has prevented you from fulfilling
your intentions, we have therefore addressed to your fortitude
letters full of our bounty, to the end that you may use all
speed and without fear present yourself in our presence,
thereby to obtain the enjoyment of your wishes, and that, having
experience of our grace, you may be restored again to your
friends. For this purpose I have besought my Lord and
brother Constans Victor Augustus in your behalf, that he
would give you permission to come, in order that you may
be restored to your country with the consent of us both,
receiving this as a pledge of our favour.
3. The Second Letter.
Although we made it very plain to you in a former letter
that you may without hesitation come to our Court, because
Digitized by
80 Letters of Comtantiu* in favour of Athanasius.
Apol. we greatly wished to send you home, yet, we have further sent
AO * AR * this present letter to your fortitude, to exhort you without
any distrust or apprehension, to place yourself in the public
1 Gothof. conveyances *, and to hasten to us, that you may enjoy the
Theod. fulfilment of your wishes.
viii. 5.
p. 607.
4. The Third Letter.
Our pleasure was, while we abode at Edessa, and your
Presbyters were there, that, on one of them being sent to
you, you should make haste to come to our Court, in order
that you might see our face, and straightway proceed to
Alexandria. But as a long period has elapsed since you
received letters from us, and you have not yet come, we are
therefore desirous to remind you again, that you may endea-
vour to present yourself before us with all speed, and so may
be restored to your country, and obtain the accomplishment
of your prayers. And for your fuller information we have
sent Achitas the Deacon, from whom you will be able to
learn our earnest desires concerning you, and that you may
now secure the objects of your prayers.
5. Such was the tenour of the Emperor's letter; on receiving
which I went up to Rome to bid farewell to the Church and
the Bishop : for I was at Aquileia when it was written. The
Church was filled with all joy, and the Bishop Julius rejoiced
with me in my return and wrote to the Church 1 "; and as I
passed along, the Bishops of every place sent me on my way
in peace. The letter of Julius was as follows.
P " They acquainted Julias the
Bishop of Borne with their case ; and
he, according to the prerogative
pi*) of the Church in Borne, fortified
them with letters in which he spoke his
mind, and sent them hack to the East,
restoring each to his own place, and
remarking on those who had violently
deposed them. They then set out from
Borne, and on the strength (fatfouvru)
of the letters of Bishop Julius, take
possession of their Churches." Socr. ii.
16. It must he observed, that in the
foregoing sentence Socrates has spoken
of u imperial Borne." Sozomen says,
" Whereas the care of all (xtihfw'w$)
pertained to him on account of the
dignity of his see, he restored each to
his own Church, iii. 8. " I answer,"
says Barrow, " the Pope did not restore
them Judicially, hut declarativety, that
is, declaring his approbation of their
right and innocence, did admit them
to communion. .. .Besides, the Pope's
proceeding was taxed, and protested
against, as irregular;. .. .and, lastly,
the restitution of Athanasius and the
other Bishops had no complete effect,
till it was confirmed by the synod of
Sardica, backed by the imperial autho-
rity." Suprem. p. 360. ed. 1836.
Digitized by Google
Letter of Pope Juliu* to the Alexandrians.
81
6. Julius to the Presbyters, Deacons, and people abiding atTB. II.
Alexandria. * * 5 ^ 53 '
§. 52.
I congratulate you, beloved brethren, that you now behold
Ihe fruit of your faith before your eyes ; for any one may see
that such indeed is the case with respect to my brother and
fellow-Bishop Athanasius, whom for the innocency of his
life, and by reason of your prayers, God hath restored to you
again. Wherefore it is easy to perceive, that you have
continually offered tip to God pure prayers and full of love.
Being mindful of the heavenly promises, and of the con-
versation that leads to them, which you have learnt from the
teaching of this my brother, you knew certainly and were
persuaded by the right faith that is in you, that he, whom
you always had as present in your most pious minds, would
not be separated from you for ever. Wherefore there is no
need that I should use many words in writing to you; for
your faith has already anticipated whatever I could say to
you, and has by the grace of God procured the accomplish-
ment of the common prayers of you all. Therefore, I repeat
again, I congratulate you, because you have preserved y our i Athan
souls unconquered in the faith; and I also congratulate no here
less my brother Athanasius, in that, though he has endured £™* a
many afflictions, he has at no time been forgetful of your graph in
love and earnest desires towards him. For although for a p J^"
season he seemed to be withdrawn from you in body, y e tg id, r ..
has he continued to live as always present with you in spirit 1 . 23.°
7. Wherefore he returns to you now more illustrious than §. 53.
when he went away from you. Fire tries and purifies the
precious metals, gold and silver : but how can one describe
the worth of such a man, who, having passed victorious
through the perils of so many tribulations, is now restored to
you, being pronounced innocent not by my voice only, but
hy the voice of the whole Council*? Receive therefore, » p. fie,
dearly beloved brethren, with all godly honour and rejoicing, °°g 0 *
your Bishop Athanasius, together with those who have been note p.
partners with him in so many labours. And rejoice that you
have now obtained the fulfilment of your prayers, after that in
your salutary writings, you have given meat and drink to your
Pastor, who, so to speak, longed and thirsted after your
G
82
Letters of Constantius
Apol. godliness. For while he sojourned in a foreign land, you
— : — : were his consolation; and you refreshed him during his
persecutions by your most faithful minds and spirits. And
it delights me now to conceive and figure to my mind the
joy of every one of you at his return, and the pious greetings
of the multitude, and the glorious festivity of those that run
to meet him. What a day will that be to you, when my
brother comes back again, and your former sufferings termi-
nate, and his much-prized and desired return inspires you all
with an exhilaration of perfect joy ! . The like joy it is mine
to feel in a very great degree, since it has been granted me
by God, to be able to make the acquaintance of so eminent
a man.
8. It is fitting therefore that I should conclude my letter
1 if#fr. with a prayer 1 . May Almighty God, and His Son our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ, afford you continual grace, giving
you a reward for the admirable faith which you displayed in
your noble confession in behalf of your Bishop, that He may
impart unto you and unto them that are with you, both here
iCor.2,and hereafter, those better things, which eye hath not seen,
nor ear heard, neither hath entered into the heart of man,
the things which God hath prepared for them that love
Him; through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to
Almighty God be glory for ever and ever. Amen. I pray,
dearly beloved brethren, for your health and strength in the
Lord.
§. 54. 9. The Emperor, when I came to him with these letters,
received me kindly, and sent me forward to my country and
Church, addressing the following to the Bishops, Presbyters,
and People.
10. Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops
and Presbyters of the Catholic Church.
The most reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by
the grace of God, but although for a brief season he was
subjected to trials to which human nature is liable, he has
obtained from the superintending Providence such an answer
to his prayers as was meet, and is restored by the will of the
Most High, and by our sentence, at once to his country and
to the Church, over which by divine permission he presided.
Digitized by Google
to the Alexandrians, fyc. in behalf of Athanasius; 83
Wherefore, in accordance with this, it is fitting that it should Tr. II.
be provided by our clemency, that all the decrees which have &4> —
heretofore been passed against those who held communion
with him, be now consigned to oblivion, and that all sus-
picions respecting them be henceforward set at rest, and that
an immunity, such as the Clergy who are associated with
him formerly enjoyed, be duly confirmed to them. Moreover
to our other acts of favour towards him we have thought good
to add the following, that all persons of the sacred catalogue 1 1 yid.
should understand, that an assurance of safety is given to all Antiqu.
who adhere to him, whether Bishops, or other Clergy. Andi-M-io.
union with him will be a sufficient guarantee, in the case of
any person, of an upright intention. For whoever, acting ac-
cording to a better judgment and part, shall choose to hold
communion with him, we order, in imitation of that Provi-
dence which has already gone before, that all such should have
the advantage of the grace which by the will of the Most
High is now offered to them from us. May God preserve
you.
11. Tlie Second Letter.
Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of
the Catholic Church at Alexandria.
Desiring as we do your welfare in all respects, and§. 55.
knowing that you have for a long time been deprived of
episcopal superintendence, we have thought good to send
back to you your Bishop Athanasius, a man known to all
men for the uprightness that is in him, and for his personal
deportment. Receive him, as you are wont to receive every
one, in a suitable manner, and, putting him forth as your
succour in your prayers to God, endeavour to preserve
continually that unanimity and peace according to the order
of the Church, which is at the same time becoming in you,
and most advantageous for us. For it is not becoming that
any dissension or faction should be raised among you, so
subversive of the prosperity of our times. We desire that
this offence may be altogether removed from you, and we
exhort you to continue stedfastly in your accustomed prayers,
and to make him, as we said before, your advocate and helper
towards God. So that, when this your determination, dearly
g 2
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84 and to Prefects of Egypt, Thebais, $c.
A pol. beloved, has influenced the prayers of all men, even the
A °' Ab - heathen who are still addicted to the false worship of idols
may eagerly desire to come to the knowledge of our sacred
worship.
12. Again therefore we exhort you to continue in these
things, and gladly to receive your Bishop, who is sent back
to you by the decree of the Most High, and by our desire,
and determine to greet him cordially with all your soul and
with all your mind. For this is what is both becoming in
you, and agreeable to our clemency. In order that all
occasion of excitement and sedition may be taken away from
those who are maliciously disposed, we have by letter com-
manded the magistrates who are among you to subject to the
vengeance of the law all whom they find to be factious.
Wherefore taking into consideration both these things, our
desire in accordance with the will of the Most High, and our
regard for you and for concord among you, and the punish-
ment that awaits the disorderly, observe such things as are
proper and suitable to the order of our sacred religion, and
receiving the fore-mentioned Bishop with all reverence and
honour, take care to offer up with him your prayers to God,
the Father of all, in behalf of yourselves, and for the well-
being of your whole lives.
§. 56. 13. Having written these letters, be also commanded that
the decrees, which he had formerly sent out against me in
consequence of the calumnies of the Eusebians, should be
abolished, and removed from out the Orders of the Duke aud
1 mem- the Prefect of Egypt ; and Eusebius the Decurion 1 was sent
theCu- to withdraw them from the Order-books. His letter on this
ria or occasion was as follows.
Council.
'Prefect 14. Victor, Constantius, Augustus, to Nestorius*.
of E-
gypt, (And in the same terms, to the Governors qf Augustamnica,
note d. ' the Thebaisy and Libya.)
Whatever Orders are found to have been passed heretofore,
tending to the injury and dishonour of those who hold com-
munion with the Bishop Athanasius, we wish them to be now
erased. For we desire that whatever immunities his Clergy
possessed before, they should again possess the same. And
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Letter of Council of Jerusalem in behalf of Athanasius. 85
ire wish this our Order to be observed, that when the Bishop Tr. II.
Athanasius is restored to his Church, those who hold com- 661 57 '
munion with him may enjoy the immunities which they have
always enjoyed, and which the rest of the Clergy enjoy ; so
that they may have the satisfaction of being on an equal
footing with others.
15. Being thus set forward onmyjourney,asIpassed through §. 57.
Syria, I met with the Bishops of Palestine, who when they
had called a Council 1 at Jerusalem, received me courteously, 1 Hist,
and themselves also sent me on my way in peace, and ad-^s™" 1,
dressed the following letter to the Church and the Bishops.
16. The Holy Council, assembled at Jerusalem, to the
brethren in ministry in Egypt and Libya, and to the Pres-
byters, Deacons, and People at Alexandria, dearly beloved
brethren, and greatly longed for, sends health in the Lord.
We cannot give worthy thanks to the God of all, dearly
beloved, for the wonderful things which He has done at all
times, and especially at this time with respect to your Church,
in restoring to you your pastor and lord 2 , and our fellow- * x^**,
minister Athanasius. For who ever hoped that his eyes would ^ p '
see what you are now actually enjoying ? Of a truth, your
prayers have been heard by the God of all, who cares for His
Church, and has looked upon your tears and groans, and has
therefore heard your petitions. For ye were as sheep scat-
tered and fainting, not having a shepherd. Wherefore the
true Shepherd, who careth for His own sheep, has visited
you from heaven, and has restored to you him whom you
desire. Behold, we also, being ready to do all things for the
peace of the Church, and being prompted by the same
affection as yourselves, have saluted him before you; and
communicating with you through him, we send you these
greetings, and our offering of thanksgiving, that you may
know that you are united in one bond of love with him and
with us. You are bound to pray also for the piety of our
most religious Emperors, who, when they knew your earnest
longings after him, and his innocency, determined to restore
him to you with all honour. Wherefore receive him with
uplifted lfands, and take good heed that you offer up due
thanksgivings on his behalf to God who has bestowed these
blessings upon you ; so that you may continually rejoice
oogle
Pauli
anus.
86 Retractation of Ursacius and Valens
Apol. with God and glorify our Lord, in Christ Jesus our Lord,
AG ' Ab ' through whom to the Father be glory for ever. Amen.
1 7. I have set down here the names of those who subscribed
1 p. 78. this letter, although I have mentioned them before l . They
2Theo- are these; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodoras 2 , Germanus,
^p" s > Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius,
3 not Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus 3 , Petrus, Claudius.
^ P 58 Wk en Ursacius and Valens witnessed these proceed-
ings, they forthwith condemned themselves for what they had
done, and going up to Rome, confessed their crime, declared
4 vid. themselves penitent, and sought forgiveness 4 , addressing the
notei. following letters to Julius Bishop of ancient Rome, and to
myself. Copies of them were sent to me from Paulinus,
5T<# e *,, Bishop of Tibur \
Paul r
P* j Translation from the Latin of a Letter 6 to Julius, con-
cerning the recantation of Ursacius and Valens\
7g P P* p * Ursacius and Valens to the most blessed Lord 7 , Pope
6 Hist. Julius.
Arian.
25. 26. Whereas it is well known that we have heretofore in letters
infr. laid mauy grievous charges against the Bishop Athanasiiis,
p ' and whereas, when we were corrected by the letters of your
9 xc****- Goodness 8 , we were unable to render an account of our
Tnrt conduct, by reason of the circumstance which we notified
unto you; we do now confess before your Goodness, and
in the presence of all the Presbyters our brethren, that ail
the reports which have heretofore come to your hearing
respecting the case of the aforesaid Athanasius, are false-
hoods and fabrications, and are utterly inconsistent with his
character. Wherefore we earnestly desire communion with
the aforesaid Athanasius, especially since your Piety, with
your characteristic generosity, has vouchsafed to pardon our
1 " I have always entertained some tion." ch. xxi. note 118. Surely this
doubts," says Gibbon, " concerning the is just the difference of tone in which an
retractation of Ursacius and Valens. apology is made to a superior, and to an
Their Epistles to Julius Bishop of equal (aftiA^y), except by very gene-
Rome, and to Athanasius himself, are rous, or by deeply repentant, persons,
of so different a cast from each other, Athan.'s account of it, infr. p. 239, r. 2.
that they cannot both be genuine. The is quite in accordance. It will be ob-
one speaks the language of criminals, served too that they appear to have
who confess their guilt and infamy ; made their peace with Rome with the
the other of enemies, who solicit on view of being defended by the Pope
equal terms an honourable reconcilia- against Athanasius.
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in favour of Athanasius.
87
error. But we also declare, that if at any time the Eastern Tb. II.
Bishops, or Athanasius himself, with an evil intent, should M *
wish to bring us to judgment for this offence, we will not
attend contrary to your judgment and desire. And as for
the heretic Arius and his supporters, who say that once the
Son was not, and that the Son is made of that which was
not, and who deny that Christ is God 1 and the Son of God" not in
before the worlds, we anathematize them both now and for 1 **" 1,
evermore, as also we set forth in our former declaration at
Milan 2 . We have written this with our own hands, and we * A.D.
profess again, that we have renounced for ever, as we said^'/'
before, the Arian heresy and its authors.
I Ursacius subscribed this my confession in person; and
likewise I Valens.
20. Ursacius and Valens, Bishops, to their Lord 3 and Brother, 3
the Bishop Athanasius. p . 95.
Having an opportunity of sending by our brother and
fellow Presbyter Musaeus, who is coming to your Charity, we
salute you affectionately, dearly beloved brother, through
him, from Aquileia, and pray you, being as we trust in
health, to read our letter. You will also give us confidence,
if you will return to us an answer in writing. For know that
we are at peace with you, and in communion with the
Church, of which the salutation prefixed to this letter is a
proof. May Divine Providence preserve you, my Lord 4 , our 4
dearly beloved brother !
21. Such were their letters, and such the sentence and the
judgment of the Bishops in my behalf. But in order to
prove that they did not act thus to ingratiate themselves, or
under compulsion 5 , in any quarter, I desire, with your permis- * p-
rion,to recount the whole matter from the beginning, so that note
you may perceive that the Bishops wrote as they did with
upright and just intentions, and that Ursacius and Valens,
though they were slow to do so, at last confessed the truth.
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« Second CHAP. V. 1
part of
A P°- DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE CHARGES OF THE MELETIANS
logy.
AGAINST ST. ATHANAS1US.
§. 59. 1. Peter was Bishop among us before the persecution, and
during the course of it he suffered martyrdom. When
Meletius, who held the title of Bishop in Egypt, was con-
victed of many crimes, and among the rest of offering
sacrifice to idols, Peter deposed him in a general Council of
the Bishops. Whereupon Meletius did not appeal to
another Council, or attempt to justify himself before those
who should come after, but made a schism, so that they who
espoused his cause are even yet called Meletians instead of
^°i8o" Christians 8 . He began immediately to revile the Bishops,
note L and made false accusations, first against Peter himself, and
after him against Achillas, and after Achillas against Alex-
3ad Ep. ander 5 . And he thus practised craftily, following the example
22.rapr.of Absalom, to the end that, as he was disgraced by his
P # 29, deposition, he might by his calumnies mislead the minds of
the simple. While Meletius was thus employed, the Arian
heresy arose, and in the Council of Nicaea, when that heresy
was anathematized, and the Arians were excommunicated,
the Meletians on whatever grounds' (for it is not necessary now
to mention the reasons of this proceeding) were received
into the Church. Five months however had not elapsed
when the blessed Alexander died, and the Meletians, who
ought to have remained quiet, and to have been grateful that
vid. 2 they were received on any terms, like dogs unable to forget
Pet. 2, ^eir vomit, began again to trouble the Churches.
r Meletius had the name of Bishop Alexander had ordained, and performed
secured to him, but was interdicted no ecclesiastical act without leave of the
from all Episcopal functions. Those Catholic Bishop; but when the Catholic
who had been ordained by him were re- Bishop in each place died, they were
ceived to communion and allowed to to be considered capable of succeeding,
continue in ministerial duties, on con- A than, speaks more openly against this
dition that they gave precedence in their arrangement infr, §. 71. vid, vol* viii.
own Church or Diocese to those whom p. 181, note g.
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CoaUtum of the Meletians with the Eusebians.
89
2. Upon learning this, Eusebius, who had the lead in the T*. II.
Arian heresy, sends and bribes the Meletians with large W ' *°'
promises, becomes their secret friend, and arranges with
them for their assistance on any occasion when he might
wish for it. At first he sent to me, urging me to admit the
Arians to communion 1 , and threatening me in his verbal com* 1 *4 Eg.
munications, which he requested me in his letters. And when 1
I refused, declaring that it was not right that those who had
invented heresy contrary to the truth, and had been anathe-
matized by the Ecumenical * Council, should be admitted to * rapr.
communion, he caused the Emperor also, Constantine, o{\J*™
blessed memory, to write to me, threatening me, in case I P-
should not receive the Arians, with those afflictions, which I
have before undergone, and which I am still suffering. The
following is a part of his letter. Syncletius and Gaudentius,
officers of the palace 5 , were the bearers of it. » **ju-
3. Part of a Letter from the Emperor Constantine. Com*.**
Having therefore knowledge of my will, grant free ad-** 19,
mission to all who wish to enter into the Church. For if I
learn that you have hindered or excluded any who claim to
be admitted into communion with the Church, I will im-
mediately send some one who shall depose you by my
command, and shall remove you from your place.
4. When upon this I wrote and endeavoured to convince §. 60.
the Emperor, that that anti-Christian 4 heresy had no com- 4
munion with the Catholic Church, Eusebius forthwith,
availing himself of the occasion which he had agreed upon P* 6 >
with the Meletians, writes and persuades them to invent
some pretext, so that, as they had practised against Peter
and Achillas and Alexander, they might also lay a plot for
me, and might spread abroad reports to my prejudice.
Accordingly, after seeking for a long time, and rinding
nothing, they at last agree together, with the advice of the
Eusebians, and fabricate their first accusation by means of
Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus 5 , respecting the linen vest- 4 infr.
ments 6 , to the effect that I had imposed a law upon thef'j^^
Egyptians, and had required its observance of them first. *^. ec "
But when certain Presbyters of mine were found to beastJoal,
present, and the Emperor took cognizance of the matter, can^?
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90
Letters qf Constantine to the Alexandrians
A pol. they were condemned, (the Presbyters were Apis and
AG - An - Macarion,) and the Emperor wrote, condemning Ision, and
ordering me to appear before him. His letters were as
'they follows 1 . * * *
are 08 5. Eusebius, having intelligence of this, persuades them to
wait; and when I arrive, they next accuse Macarius of
breaking the chalice, and bring against me the most heinous
accusation possible, viz. that, being an enemy of the
Emperor, I had sent a purse of gold to one Philamenus.
The Emperor therefore heard us on this charge also in
* suburb Psammathia*, when they, as usual, were condemned, and
media, driven from the presence ; and, as I returned, he wrote the
* nf ^ following letter to the people.
6. Constantine Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the
Catholic Church at Alexandria.
§.61. Dearly beloved brethren, I greet you well, calling upon
God, who is the chief witness of my good-will towards you,
and on the Only-begotten, the Author of our Law, who is
Sovereign over the lives of all men, and who hates dis
sensions. But what shall 1 say to you ? That 1 am in good
health ? Nay, but I should be able to enjoy better health
and strength, if you were possessed with mutual love one
towards another, and had rid yourselves of your enmities,
through which, in consequence of the storms excited by
contentious men, we have left the haven of brotherly love.
Alas ! what perverseness is this ! What evil consequences
are produced every day by the tumult of envy which has
been stirred up among you ! Hence it is that an evil
character attaches to the people of God. Whither has the
faith of righteousness departed ? For we are so involved in
the mists of darkness, not only through manifold errors, but
through the faults of ungrateful men, that we bear with those
who favour folly, and though we are aware of them, take no
heed of those who beat down goodness and truth. What
strange inconsistency is this ! We do not convict our
enemies, but we follow the example of robbery which they
set us, whereby the most pernicious errors, finding no one to
oppose them, easily, if I may so speak, make a way for
themselves. Is there no understanding among us, for the
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91
credit of our common nature, since we are thus neglectful of Tr. II.
tie injunctions of the Law ? 61 - 62 *
7. But some one will say, that that mutual love which nature
prompts is exercised among us. But, I ask, how is it that
we who have the law of God for our guide, in addition to the
light of nature, thus tolerate the disturbances and disorders
raised by our enemies, who set every thing in a flame, as it
were, with firebrands ? How is it, that having eyes, we see
not, neither understand, though we are surrounded by the
intelligence of the law ? What a stupor has seized upon our
senses, that we are thus neglectfiil of ourselves, although God
admonishes us of these things! Is it not an intolerable
calamity? and ought we not to esteem such men as our
enemies, and not the household and people of God ? For
they are infuriated against us, desperate as they are : they lay
grievous crimes to our charge, and persecute us as enemies.
8. And I would have you yourselves to consider with what §. 62.
exceeding madness they do this. The foolish men carry
their maliciousness at their tongues' end. They carry
about with them a sort of sullen anger, so that, by way of
retaliation, they smite one another, and give us a share in
the punishment which they inflict upon themselves. The
good teacher is accounted an enemy, while he who clothes
himself with the vice of envy, contrary to all justice makes
his gain of the gentle temper of the people ; he ravages, and
consumes, he decks himself out, and recommends himself
with false praises ; he subverts the truth, and corrupts the
faith, until he finds out a hole and hiding place for his
conscience. Thus their very perverseness makes them
wretched, while they impudently prefer themselves to places
of honour, however unworthy they may be. Ah ! what a
mischief is this ! they say, " Such an one is too old; such an
one is a mere boy; the office belongs to me; it is due to me,
since it is taken away from him. T will gain over all men to
my side, and then I will endeavour with my power to ruin
him." Plain indeed is this proclamation of their madness to
all the world ; the sight of companies, and gatherings, and
rowers under command 1 in their offensive cabals. Alas! 1
what preposterous conduct is ours, if I may say it ! Do they V "*'
make an exhibition of their folly in the Church of God ?
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92 Fresh movements of the Meletians in aid of the Eusebians.
Apol. And are they not yet ashamed of themselves ? Do they not
LQ ' AB, yet blame themselves? Are they not smitten in their con-
sciences, so that they now at length shew that they entertain
a proper sense of their deceit and contentiousness ? Theirs
is the mere force of envy, supported by those baneful influ-
ences which naturally belong to it. But those wretches have
no power against your Bishop. Believe me, brethren, their
endeavours will have no other effect than this, after they
have worn down our days, to leave to themselves no place of
repentance in this life.
9. Wherefore I beseech you, lend help to yourselves; receive
kindly our love, and with all your strength drive away those
who desire to obliterate from among us the grace of unanimity ;
and looking unto God, love one another. I received gra-
ciously your Bishop Athanasius, and addressed him in such
a manner, as being persuaded that he was a man of God.
It is for you to understand these things, not for me to judge
of them. I thought it becoming that the most Reverend
Athanasius himself should convey my salutation to you,
knowing his kind care of you, which, in a manner worthy
of that peaceable faith which I myself profess, is continually
engaged in the good work of declaring saving knowledge,
and will be furnished with a word of exhortation for you*
May God preserve you, dearly beloved brethren.
Such was the letter of Constantine.
§. 68. 10. After these occurrences the Meletians remained quiet for
some time, but afterwards shewed their hostility again, and
contrived the following plot, with the aim of pleasing those
who had hired their services. The Mareotis is a region of
Alexandria, in which Meletius was not able to make a
schism. Now while the Churches still existed within their
appointed limits, and all the Presbyters had congregations
in them, and while the people were living in peace, a certain
^upr. person named Ischyras 1 , who was not a Clergyman, but
48* 62* depraved in his habits, endeavoured to lead astray the people
of his own village, declaring himself to be a Clergyman.
Upon learning this, the Presbyter of the place, informed me
of it when I was going through my visitation of the Churches,
and I sent Macarius the Presbyter with him to summon
Ischyras. They found him sick and lying in his cell, and
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Retractation and confession of Ischyras. 93
charged his father to admonish his son not to continue Tk. II.
any such practices as had been reported against him. But — 64 *
when he recovered from his sickness, being prevented by
his friends and his father from pursuing the same course, he
fled over to the Meletians ; and they communicate with
the Eusebians, and at last that calumny is invented by
them, that Macarius had broken a chalice, and that a certain
Bishop named Arsenius had been murdered by me. Arsenius
they placed in concealment, in order that he might seem
taken off, when he did not make his appearance ; and they
carried about a hand pretending that he had been cut to
pieces. As for Ischyras, whom they did not even know,
they began to spread a report that he was a Presbyter, in
order that what he said about the chalice might mislead the
people. Ischyras, however, being censured by his friends,
came to me weeping, and said that no such thing as they
l*ad reported had been done by Macarius, and that himself
had been suborned by the Meletians to invent this calumny.
And he wrote the following letter.
1 1 . To the Blessed Pope 1 Athanasius, Ischyras sends health in 1 ▼»<!•
the Lord. p°9 6> "
As when I came to you, my Lord* Bishop, desiring to be^g^
received into the Church, you reproved me for what I*»4e«>
formerly said, as though I had proceeded to such lengths of jJJP r * p *
my own free choice, I therefore submit to you this my
apology in writing, in order that you may understand, that
violence was used towards me, and blows inflicted on me by
Isaac and Heraclides, and Isaac of Letopolis, and those of
their party. And I declare, and take God as my witness in
this matter, that of none of the things which they have
stated, do I know you to be guilty. For no breaking of a
chalice or overturning of the holy Table ever took place, but
they compelled me by their violent usage to assert all this.
And this defence I make and submit to you in writing,
desiring and claiming for myself to be admitted among the
members of your congregation. I pray that you may have
health in the Lord.
1*2. I submit this my handwriting to you the Bishop Athana-
sius in the presence of the Presbyters, Ammonias of Dicella,
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94
Judicial proceeding about Arsenius.
Apol. Heraclius of Phascus, Boccon of Chenebris, Achillas of
i±^'Myrsine, Didymus of Taphosiris, and Justus, from Bomo-
theus; .and of the Deacons, Paul, Peter, and Olynipius, of
Alexandria, and Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius, and Gaius,
of the Mareotis.
§. 65. 13. Notwithstanding this statement of Ischyras, they again
spread abroad the same charges against me every where,
and also reported them to the Emperor Constantine. He had
l vid. heard before of the affair of the chalice in Psammathia 1 ,
60 * when I was there, and had detected the falsehood of my
enemies. But now he wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius" the
Censor, requiring him to institute a judicial enquiry respect-
ing the murder. Accordingly the Censor sent me notice to
prepare for my defence against the charge. Upon receiving
his letters, although at first I paid no regard to the thing,
because I knew that nothing of what they said was true, yet
seeing that the Emperor was moved, I wrote to my brethren
in Egypt, and sent a deacon, desiring to learn something of
Arsenius, for I had not seen the man for five or six years.
Well, not to relate the matter at length, Arsenius was found
in concealment, in the first instance in Egypt, and at last
my friends discovered him still in concealment at Tyre. And
what was most remarkable, even when he was discovered he
would not confess that he was Arsenius, until he was con-
victed in court before Paul, who was then Bishop of Tyre,
and at last out of very shame he could not deny it.
14. This he did in order to fulfil his contract with the Euse-
bians, lest, if he were discovered, the game they were playing
should at length be broken up; which in fact came to pass.
For when I wrote the Emperor word, that Arsenius was
discovered, and reminded him of what he had heard in
Psammathia concerning Macarius the Presbyter, he stopped
the proceedings of the Censor's court, and wrote condemning
the proceedings against me as calumnious, and commanded
* Dalmatius was the name of father crates mistaken. The younger D al-
and son, the brother and nephew of matian was created Ceesar by Constan-
Constantine. Socrates, Hist. i. 27. tine a few ye its before his death ; and,
gives the title of Censor to the son ; as well as his brother Hannibalian, and
but the Alexandrian Chronicon (accord- a number of other relatives, was put to
ing to Tillemont, Empereurs, vol. 4. p. death by Constantius, or his ministers
667.) gives it to the father. Valesius, and the soldiery, on the death of his
and apparently Tillemont, think So- father, vid Athan. Hist. Mon. 69.
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Alexander qf Thessalonica to Athanasius. 95
the Eusebians to return, who were coming into the East toTit. II.
appear against me. Now in order to shew that they accused 6ft ~~ 67 -
me of having murdered Arsenius, (not to bring forward the
letters of many persons on the subject,) it shall be sufficient
only to produce one from Alexander the Bishop of Thessa-
lonica^ from which the tenor of the rest may be inferred.
He then being acquainted with the reports which Archaph,
who is also called John, circulated against me on the subject
of the murder, and having heard that Arsenius was alive,
wrote as follows.
1 5. Letter of Alexander.
To his dearly beloved son and brother like-minded, the 1
Lord 1 Athanasius, Alexander the Bishop sends health in ^93.
the Lord.
I congratulate the most excellent Serapion, that he is§»66.
striving so earnestly to adorn himself with holy habits, and
is thus advancing to higher praise the memory of his father.
For, as the Holy Scripture somewhere says, though his father Ecchw.
yet he is as though he were not dead: for he has left 30 ' 4 '
behind him a memorial of his life. What my feelings are
towards the ever-memorable Sozon, you yourself my lordV** r *
are not ignorant, for you know the sacredness of his memory, xheod.
as well as the excellent disposition of the young man. 1 ^jjjj^'
have received only one letter from your reverence, which I
tad by the hands of this youth. I mention this to you, my
lord, that you may know that 1 have received it. Our dearly
beloved brother and deacon Macarius, afforded me great
pleasure by writing to me from Constantinople, that the
false accuser Archaph had met with disgrace, for having
given out before all men that a live man had been mur-
dered. That he will receive from the righteous Judge,
together with all the tribe of his associates, that punishment
which his crimes deserve, the infallible Scriptures assure
os. May the Lord of all preserve you for very many years,
my most excellent lord 9 . 3 *6 V t
16. And they who lived with Arsenius bear witness, that he §. 67.
was kept in concealment for this purpose, that they might
pretend his death ; for in searching after him we found the
foUowing person, and he in consequence wrote the following
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96 Letter of Pinnes to John about Arsetriwt.
Apol. letter to John, who supported this false accusation against
AO. Ar. n
- me.
17. To his dearly beloved brother John, Pinnes, Presbyter
of the Monastery of Ptemencyrcis, in the district of Anteopolis,
sends greeting.
I wish you to know, that Athanasius sent his deacon into
the Thebais, to search every where for Arsenius ; and Pecysius
the Presbyter, and Sylvanus the brother of Helias, and Tape-
nacerameus, and Paul monk of Hypsele, whom he first fell in
with, confessed that Arsenius was with us. Upon learning
this we caused him to be put on board a vessel, and to sail
to the lower countries with Helias the monk. Afterwards
the deacon returned again suddenly with certain others, and
entered our monastery, in search of the same Arsenius, and
him they found not, because, as I said before, we had sent
him away to the lower countries; but they conveyed me
together with Helias the monk, who took him out of the way,
to Alexandria, and brought us before the Duke 1 ; when T was
unable to deny, but confessed that he was alive, and had not
been murdered : the monk also who took him out of the way
confessed the same. Wherefore I acquaint you with these
things, Father, lest you should determine to accuse Atha-
nasius ; for I said that he was alive, and had been concealed
with us, and all this is become known in Egypt, and it cannot
any longer be kept secret.
1 fufnf I, Paphnutius, monk of the same monastery 1 , who wrote
this letter, heartily salute you. I trust that you are in health.
18. The following also is the letter which the Emperor wrote
when he learnt that Arsenius was found to be alive.
* vid. .19. Victor, Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the Pope 2
Jg^'P- Athanasius.
§. 68. Having read the letters of your wisdom, I felt the inclina-
tion to write in return to your gravity, and to exhort you
that you would endeavour to restore the people of God to
1 According to the system of go- the comites, or counts, were ten out of
▼eminent introduced by Dioclesian and the number, who were distinguished as
Constantine, there were thirty-five companions of the Emperor, vid. Gib-
military commanders of the troops, bon, ch. 17. Three of these dukes were
under the Magistri militum, and all of stationed in Egypt,
these bore the name of duces or dukes ;
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Letter of Constantine to Athanasius.
97
tranquillity, and to merciful feelings. For in my own mind Tr. II.
I hold these things to be of the greatest importance, that we — — —
should cultivate truth, and ever keep righteousness in our
thoughts, and have pleasure especially in those who walk in
the right way of life. But as concerning those who are
deserving of all execration, I mean the most perverse and
ungodly Meletians, who have at last stultified themselves by
their folly, and are now raising unreasonable commotions by
envy, uproar, and tumult, thus making manifest their own
ungodly dispositions, I will say thus much. You see that
those who they pretended had been slain with the sword, are
still amongst us, and in the enjoyment of life. Now what
could be a stronger presumption against them, and one so
manifestly and clearly tending to their condemnation, as that
those whom they declared to have been murdered, are yet in
the enjoyment of life, and accordingly will be able to speak
for themselves ?
20. But this further accusation was advanced by these same
Meletians. They positively affirmed that you, rushing in
with lawless violence, had seized upon and broken a chalice,
which was deposited in the most Holy Place; than which
there certainly could not be a more serious charge, nor a
more grievous offence, had such a crime actually been
perpetrated. But what manner of accusation is this ? What
is the meaning of this change and variation and difference in
the circumstances of it, insomuch that they now transfer this
same accusation to another person 1 , a fact which makes it 1 pp. 48,
clearer, so to speak, than the light itself, that they designed
to lay a plot for your wisdom ? After this who can be willing
to follow them, men that have fabricated such charges to the
injury of another, seeing too that they are hurrying them-
selves on to rain, and are conscious that they are accusing
you of false and feigned crimes? Who then, as I said, will
follow after them, and thus go headlong in the way of
destruction; in that way in which it seems they alone
suppose that they have hope of safety and of help ? But if
they were willing to walk according to a pure conscience,
and to be directed by the best wisdom, and to go in the way
of a sound mind, they would easily perceive that no help can
come to them from Divine Providence, while they are given
H
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98
Letter of Arsenitis to Athanasius.
Apol. up to such doings, and tempt their own destruction. I should
— -'not call this a harsh judgment of them, but the simple truth.
21. And finally, I will add, that I wish this letter to be read
frequently by your wisdom in public, that it may thereby
come to the knowledge of all men, and especially reach the
ears of those who thus act, and thus raise disturbances ; for
the judgment which is expressed by me according to the dic-
tates of equity is confirmed also by real facts. Wherefore,
seeing that in such conduct there is so great criminality, let
them understand that I so judge of them ; and that I have
come to this determination, that if they excite any further com-
motion of this kind, I will myself in person take cognizance
of the matter, and that not according to the ecclesiastical, but
according to the civil laws, and so I will find them out,
because they seem to be offenders not only against human
kind, but against the divine doctrine itself. May God ever
preserve you, dearly beloved brother !
§. 69. 2*2. But that the wickedness of the calumniators might be
more fully displayed, behold Arsenius also wrote to me after
he was discovered in his place of concealment ; and as the
letter which Ischyras had written confessed the falsehood of
their accusation, so that of Arsenius proved their maliciousness
still more completely.
23. To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Arsenius, Bishop of those
who were heretofore under Meletius in the city of the
Hypselites, together with the Presbyters and Deacons,
wishes much health in the Lord.
Being earnestly desirous of peace and union with the
Catholic Church, over which by the grace of God you are
appointed to preside, and wishing to submit ourselves to the
Canon of the Church, according to the ancient rule", we
write unto you, dearly beloved Pope, and declare in the name
of the Lord, that we will not for the future hold communion
with those who continue in schism, and are not at peace
with the Catholic Church, its Bishops, Presbyters, and
Deacons. Neither will we take part with them if they wish
n vid. supr. p. 3, note a; the (so referred to here, is Can. 27. according
called) Apostolical Canon apparently, to Beveridge.
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Letter of Constantine to John.
39
to establish any thing in a Council; neither will we send Tr. 1 1,
letters of peace 1 unto them nor receive such from than* » 69 > 70 -
neither yet without the consent of you our Metropolitan r . P s 8 '
will we publish any decree concerning Bishops, or on any
other general Ecclesiastical question; but we will yield
obedience to all the Canons that have heretofore been
ordained, after the example of the Bishops* Ammonian,
Tyrannus, Plusian, and the rest. Wherefore we beseech
your goodness to write to us speedily in answer, and likewise
to our fellow-ministers concerning us, informing them that
we will henceforth abide by the fore-mentioned resolution
and will be at peace with the Catholic Church, and at unity
with our fellow-ministers in every part. And we are persuaded
that your prayers, being acceptable unto God, will so prevail
with Him, that this peace shall be firm and indissoluble unto
the end, according to the will of God the Lord of all, through
Jesus Christ our Lord.
24. The sacred Ministry that is under you, we and those that
are with us salute. Very shortly, if God permit, we will come
unto your goodness, I, Arsenius, pray that you may be
strong in the Lord for many years, most blessed Pope.
But a stronger and clearer proof of the calumny is the§. 70.
recantation of John, of which the most godly Emperor
Constantine of blessed memory is a witness, for knowing how
John had accused himself, and having received letters from
him expressing his repentance, he wrote to him as follows.
25. Constantine Maximus Augustus to John.
The letters which J have received from your prudence
were extremely pleasing to me, because I learned from them
what I very much longed to hear, that you had laid aside
every narrow feeling 2 , had joined the communion of the 9 ^»^-
Church as became you, and were now in perfect concord tuL™'
with the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. Be assured J 1 > ref -
therefore that so far I entirely approve of your conduct;
because, dismissing all occasions of quarrel, you have done
x i. e. Meletian Bishops who had the conforming party were familiar ; or
conformed; or, since they are not in the Meletians after the return of Meletius.
list, §. 71. Catholic Bishops with whom vid. Tillemont, Mem. vol. 8. p. 658.
h2
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100
Letter qf Constantine to John.
A pol. that which is pleasing to God, and have embraced the unity
aq. Ar. Qf Hi8 Q nurcn j a or( j er therefore that you obtain the
accomplishment of your wishes, I have thought it right to
grant you permission to enter the public conveyance*, and to
come to the court 1 of my clemency. Let it then be your
care to make no delay ; but as this letter gives you authority
to use the public conveyance, come to me immediately, that
you may have your desires fulfilled, and by appearing in my
presence may enjoy that pleasure which it is fit for you to
receive. May God preserve you continually, dearly beloved
brother.
y On the " cursus publicus," vid.
Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5.
It was provided for the journeys of the
Emperor, for persona whom he sum-
moned, for magistrates, ambassadors,
and for such private persons as the
Emperor indulged in the use of it,
which was gratis. The use was granted
by Constantine to the Bishops who were
summoned to Nicffa, as far as it went,
in addition though aliter Valesius in
loc. to other means of travelling. Euseb.
v. Const, iii. 6. The cursus publicus
brought the Bishops to the Council of
Tyre. ibid. iv. 43. In the conference
between Liberius and Constantius,
Theod. Hist. ii. 13. it is objected that
the cursus publicus is not sufficient to
convey Bishops to the Council which
Liberius pioposes ; he answers that the
Churches are rich enough to convey
their Bishops as far as the sea. Thus
S. Hilary was compelled, (data evec-
tionis copia, Sulp. Sev. Hist. ii. 57.)
to attend at Seleucia, as A than, at
Tyre. Julian complains of the abuse
of the cursus publicus, perhaps with an
allusion to these Councils of Constan-
tius. vid. Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 6. 1. 12.
where Gothofred quotes Liban.Epitaph.
in Julian, (vol. i. p. 569. ed. Reiske.)
Vid. the well-known passage of Am-
mianus, who speaks of the Councils
being the ruin of the res vehicularia
Hist. xxi. 16. The Eusebians at Phi-
lippopolis say the same thing. Hilar.
Fragm. iii. 25. The Emperor provided
board and perhaps lodging for the Bi-
shops at Ariminum ; which the Bishops
of Aquitaine, Gaul, and Britain, de-
clined, except three British from
poverty. Sulp. Hist. ii. 66. Hunneric in
Africa, after assembling 466 Bishops
at Carthage, dismissed them without
modes of conveyance, provision, or bag-
gage. Victor. Utic. Hist iii. init In
the Emperor's letter previous to the
assembling of the sixth Ecumenical
Council, A.D. 678, (Harduin. Cone,
t. 3. p. 1048 fin.) he says he has given
orders for the conveyance and mainte-
nance of its members. Pope John VIII.
reminds Ureus, Duke of Venice, (A.D.
876.; of the same duty of providing for
the members of a Council, " secundum
pios principes, qui in tali bus munifice
semper erant intenti." Colet. Concil.
(Ven. 1730.) t. xi. p. 14. -
* rr{ara*t&o*. vid. Chrys. on the Sta-
tues, p. 118, note d. Gothofr. in Cod.
Theod. \i. 32. 1. 1. Castra sunt ubi
Princens est. ibid. 35. 1. 15. also Kies-
ling. de Discipl. Cler. i. 5. p. 16.
Beveridge in Can. Apost. 83. interprets
rc{«cim of any civil engagement as
opposed to clerical.
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CHAP. VI.
DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE COUNCIL OF TYRE.
J. Thus ended the conspiracy. The Meletians were repulsed §. 71.
and covered with shame ; but notwithstanding this the Euse-
bians still did not remain quiet, for it was not for the Mele-
tians but for the Arians that they cared, and they were afraid
lest, if the proceedings of the former should be stopped, they
should no longer find persons to play the parts 1 , by whose as- 1 p- 34,
sistance they might bring in that heresy. They therefore again r "
stirred up the Meletians, and persuaded the Emperor to give
orders that a Council should be held afresh at Tyre, and Coimt
Dionysius was despatched thither, and a military guard was
given to the Eusebians. Macarius also was sent as a prisoner
to Tyre under a guard of soldiers ; and the Emperor wrote to
me, and laid a peremptory command upon me, so that, how-
ever unwilling, I was obliged to go. The whole conspiracy
may be understood from the letters which the Bishops of
Egypt wrote; but it will be necessary to relate how it was
contrived by them in the outset, that so may be perceived
the malice and wickedness that was exercised against me.
2. There are in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly one
hundred Bishops ; none of whom laid any thing to my
charge ; none of the Presbyters found any fault with me ;
none of the people spoke aught against me ; but it was the
Meletians who were ejected by Peter, and the Arians, that
divided the plot between them, while the one party claimed
to themselves the right of accusing me, the other of sitting in
judgment on the case. 1 objected to the Eusebians as being
my enemies on account of the heresy ; next, 1 shewed in the
following manner that the person who was called my accuser
was not a Presbyter at all. When Meletius was admitted 2 p . 88>
into communion, (would that he had never been so admitted 2 !)
the blessed 3 Alexander who knew his craftiness required of
him a catalogue of the Bishops whom he said he had injjfj^*
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Goo;
102 Formal catalogue of Meletian Clergy.
Apol. Egypt, and of the Presbyters and Deacons that were in
— — —Alexandria itself, and if he had any in the country adjoining.
This the Pope Alexander did, lest Meletius, assuming full
liberty of action in the Church, should sell ordination to
many, and thus continually, by a fraudulent procedure, put in
whatever ministers he pleased. Accordingly he made out
the following catalogue of those in Egypt.
3. A catalogue presented by Meletius to the Bishop
Alexander.
I, Meletius of Lycus, Lucius of Antinopolis, Phasileus of
Hermopolis, Achilles of Cusae, Ammonius of Diospolis.
In Ptolemais, Pachymes of Tentyrae.
In Maximianopolis, Theodoras of Coptus.
In Thebais, Cales of Hermethes, Colluthus of Upper
Cynus, Pelagius of Oxyrynchus, Peter of Heracleopolis,
Theon of Nilopolis, Isaac of Letopolis, Heraclides of Nicio-
polis, Isaac of Cleopatris, Melas of Arsenoitis.
In Heliopolis, Amos of Leontopolis, Ision of Athribis.
In Pharbethus, Harpocration of Bubastus, Moses of Pha-
cusae, Callinicus of Pelusium, Eudaemon of Tanis, Ephraim
of Thmuis.
In Sais, Hermaeon of Cynus and Busiris, Soterichus of
Sebennytus, Pininuthes of Phthenegys, Chronius of Metelis,
i Mele- Agathammon of the district of Alexandria.
«a vil- * n Memphis, John who was ordered by the Emperor to be
lage on w ith the Archbishop 1 . These are those of Egypt,
reotic*" And the Clergy that he had in Alexandria were Apollonius
lake. Presbyter, Irenaeus Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Tyrannus
SocV. w. Presbyter. And Deacons; Timotheus Deacon, Antinous
than*" Deacon, Hephaestion Deacon. And Macarius Presbyter of
Opp. ed. Parembole 2 .
Patt.3.
p. 86-89.
§. 7*2. 4. These Meletius presented in person to the Bishop
Alexander, but he made no mention of the person called
Ischyras, nor ever professed at all that he had any Clergy in
the Mareotis. Notwithstanding our enemies did not desist
from their attempts, but still he that was no Presbyter was
3 p. 26. feigned to be one, for there was the Count ready to use
p°4 y " compulsion towards us, and soldiers hurried us about 3 . But
note h.
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Eusebian Commission to the Mareotis. 103
eren then the grace of God prevailed: for they could notTa. II.
convict Macarius in the matter of the chalice ; and Arsenius,
whom they reported to have been murdered by me, stood
before them alive and shewed the falseness of their ac-
cusation. When therefore they were unable to convict
Macarius, the Eusebians, who became enraged that they had
lost the prey of which they had been in pursuit, persuaded
the Count Dionysius who is one of them to send to the
Mareotis, in order to see whether they could not find out
something there against the Presbyter, or rather that they
might at a distance patch up their plot as they pleased in my
absence : for this was their aim. However, when I repre-
sented that the journey to the Mareotis was a superfluous
undertaking, (for that they ought not to pretend that state-
ments were defective which they had been employed upon
so long, and ought not now to defer the matter ; for they had
said whatever they thought they could say, and now being at
a loss what to do, they were making pretences,) or if they
must needs go to the Mareotis, that at least the suspected
parties should not be sent, — the Count was convinced
by my reasoning, with respect to the suspected persons ;
but they did any thing rather than what I proposed,
for the very persons whom I objected against on account
of the Arian heresy, these were they who specially went,
viz. Diognius, Maris, Theodoras, Macedonius, Ursacius, and
Valens. Again, letters were written to the Prefect of Egypt,
and a military guard was provided ; and, what was remarkable
and altogether most suspicious, they caused Macarius the
accused party to remain behind under a guard of soldiers,
while they took with them the accuser i . 1 tmpr.
5. Now who after this does not see through this conspiracy ? p * 3L
Who does not clearly perceive the wickedness of these
Eusebians ? For if a judicial enquiry must needs take place
in the Mareotis, the accused ought also to have been sent
thither. But if they did not go for the purpose of such an
enquiry, why did they take the accuser ? It was enough that
he had not been able to prove the fact. But this they did
in order that they might carry on their designs against the
absent Presbyter, whom they could not convict when pre-
sent, and might concoct a plan as they pleased. For when
»yQS0
104 Letter qf the Alexandrian Clergy to tJie Commission.
Apol. the Presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole district found
aq Ar - fault with them because they were there by themselves, and
required that they too might be present at their proceedings,
(for they said that they knew both the circumstances of the
case, and the history of the person named Ischyras,) they
would not allow them ; and although they had with them Phila-
grius the Prefect of Egypt, who was an apostate, and heathen
soldiers, during an enquiry which it was not becoming even
for Catechumens to witness, they would not admit the
Clergy, lest there as well as at Tyre there might be those who
would expose them.
§. 73. 6. But in spite of these precautions they were not able to
escape detection : for the Presbyters of the City and of the
Mareotis, perceiving their evil designs, addressed to them
the following protest.
7. To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, Ursacius,
and Valens, the Bishops who have come from Tyre, these
from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Catholic Church
of Alexandria under the most reverend Bishop Athanasius.
It was incumbent upon you when you came hither and
brought with you the accuser, to bring also the Presbyter
Macarius ; for trials are appointed by holy Scripture to be so
constituted, that the accuser and accused may stand up
together. But since neither you brought Macarius, nor our
most reverend Bishop Athanasius came with you, we claimed
for ourselves the right of being present at the investigation,
that we might see that the enquiry was conducted impartially,
and might ourselves be convinced of the truth. But when
you refused to allow this, and wished, in company only with
the Prefect of Egypt and the accuser, to do whatever you
pleased, w T e confess that we entertained an evil suspicion of
the affair, and perceived that your coming was only the act
of a cabal and a conspiracy. Wherefore we address to you
this letter, to be a testimony before a genuine Council, that
it may be known to all men, that you have carried on an ex
'parte proceeding and for your private ends, and have desired
nothing else but to form a conspiracy against us. A copy
of this, lest it should be kept secret by you, we have trans-
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Letter of the Clergy qf the Mareotis to the Commission. 105
mitted also to PaJladius the Controller* of Augustus. ForTa ir.
78 74
what you have already done causes us to suspect you, and — - — -
to reckon on the like conduct from you hereafter.
IDionysius Presbyter have delivered this letter, Alexander
Presbyter, Nilaras Presbyter, Longus Presbyter, Aphthonius
Presbyter, Athanasius Presbyter, Amyntius Presbyter, Pistus
Presbyter, Plution Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Apollonius
Presbyter, Serapion Presbyter, Ammonius Presbyter, Gaius
Presbyter, Bhinus Presbyter, CEthales Presbyter,
Deacons ; Marcellinus Deacon, Appianus Deacon, Theon
Deacon, Timotheus Deacon, a second Timotheus Deacon.
8. This is the letter, and these the names of the Clergy of§. 74.
the city ; and the following was written by the Clergy of the
Mareotis, who know the character of the accuser, and who
were with me in my visitation.
9. To the holy Council of blessed Bishops of the Catholic
Church, all the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis
send health in the Lord.
Knowing that which is written, Speak that thine pyes Prov.25,
have seen, and, A false ivitness shall not he unpunished; we 19^5?*"
testify what we have seen, especially since the conspiracy
which has been formed against our Bishop Athanasius has
made our testimony necessary. We wonder how Ischyras
ever came to be reckoned among the number of the
Ministers of the Church, which is the first point we think it
necessary to mention. Ischyras never was a Minister of the
Church ; but when formerly he represented himself to be a
Presbyter of Colluthus, he found no one to believe him,
except only his own relations. For he never had a Church,
nor was ever considered a Clergyman, by those who lived
but a short distance from his village, except only, as we
said before, by his own relations. But, notwithstanding he
assumed this designation, he was deposed in the presence of
our Father Hosius at the Council which assembled at
* Curiosu8; the Curiosi (in curis t. 2. p. 194. ed. 1665. Constantius con-
agendis) were properly the overseers fined them to the school of the Agentes
of the public roads, Ducange in voc. in rebus, (infr. Apol. ad Const. §. 10.)
but they became in consequence a sort under the Master of the Offices,
of imperial spy, and were called the Gothofr. ibid. p. 192.
Emperor's eyes. Gothofr. in Cod.Theod.
106 Letter of the Clergy of the Mareotis
Apol. Alexandria, and was reduced to the condition of a layman,
— -'and so he continued subsequently, being deprived of his
pretended claim to the priesthood. Of his character we
think it unnecessary to speak, as all men have it in their
power to become acquainted therewith. But since he has
falsely accused our Bishop Athanasius of breaking a chalice
and overturning a table, we are necessarily obliged to
address you on this point.
10. We have said already that he never had a Church in the
Mareotis ; and we declare before God as our witness, that no
chalice was broken, nor table overturned by our Bishop, nor
by any one of those who accompanied hhn ; but all that is
alleged respecting this affair is mere calumny. And this we
say, not as having been absent from the Bishop, for we are
all with him when he makes his visitation of the Mareotis,
and he never goes about alone, but is accompanied by all
the Presbyters and Deacons, and by a considerable number
of the people. Wherefore we make these assertions, as
having been present with him during the whole of the
visitation which he made amongst us, and testify that
neither was a chalice ever broken, nor table overturned,
but the whole story is false, as the accuser himself also
isupr. witnesses under his own hand 1 . For when, after he had
p 93
withdrawn with the Meletians, and had reported these
things against our Bishop Athanasius, he wished to be
admitted to communion, he was not received, although
he wrote and confessed under his own hand that none of
these things were true, but that he had been suborned by
certain persons to say so.
§• 75. 11. Wherefore also Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Mace-
donius, Ursacius, and Valeus, came into the Mareotis, and
when they found that none of these things were true, but
it was likely to be discovered that they had framed a false
accusation against our Bishop Athanasius, the party of
Theognius being themselves his enemies, caused the re-
2 s ^P r - lations of Ischyras and certain Arian fanatics 8 to say
r'l! whatever they wished. For none of the people spoke
against the Bishop but these persons, through a dread of
Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt, and by threats and with the
support of the Arian fanatics 2 , accomplished whatever they
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to the Eusebian Commission from Tyre. 107
(feared. For when we came to disprove the calumny, they Ta. II.
would not permit us, but cast us out, while they admitted 75 ' 76 '
whom they pleased to a participation in their schemes, and
concerted matters with them, influencing them by fear of the
Prefect Philagrius. Through his means they prevented us
from being present, that we might discover whether those
who were suborned by them were members of the Church
or Arian fanatics. And you also, dearly beloved Fathers,
know, as you teach us, that the testimony of enemies avails
nothing. That what we say is the truth the handwriting 1 of 1
Ischyras testifies, as do also the facts themselves, because a j^.
when we were conscious that no such thing as was pre- Const,
tended had taken place, they took with them Philagrius, that
through fear of the sword and by threats they might frame
whatever plots they wished. These things we testify as in
the presence of God ; we make these assertions as knowing
that there will be a judgment held by God; desiring indeed
all of us to come to you, but being content with these letters
which we send to you, that they may be instead of the
presence of those who cannot come.
I, Ingenius Presbyter, pray that you may be strong in
the Lord, dearly beloved Fathers. Theon P. Ammonas P.
Heraclius P. Boccon P. Tryphon P. Peter P. Hierax P.
Serapion P. Marcus P. Ptollarion P. Gaius P. Dioscorus P.
Demetrius P. Thyrsus P.
Deacons; Pistus D. Apollos D. Serras D. Pistus D.
Polynicus D. Ammonius D. Maurus D. Hephaestus D.
Apollos D. Metopas D. Apollos D. Serapas D. Meli-
phthongus D. Lucius D. Gregoras D.
12. The same to the Controller, and to Philagrius, at that §. 76.
time Prefect of Egypt.
To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, Ducenary b ,
Officer of the Palace 2 , and Controller, and to Flavius Antoninus, 2 vid. p.
Commissary of Provisions 3 , and Centenary of my Lords, the
most illustrious Prefects of the sacred Praetorium, these from
the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis, a district of the
b On the different kinds of Duce- whose annual pay amounted to 200
naries, vid. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. xi. sestertia. vid. Salmas. in Hist. Aug.
7- leg. 1. Here, as in Euseb. Hist. vii. t. 1. p. 533. In like manner a Cente-
30. the word stands for a Procurator, nary is one who receives 100.
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108 The Clergy of the Mareotis to the Prefect and Controller
Apol. Catholic Church which is under the most Reverend Bishop
^-^lAthanasius, we address this testimony by those whose names
are under- written : —
Whereas Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, Ursa-
cius, and Valens, as if sent by all the Bishops who assembled
at Tyre, came into our Diocese alleging that they had
received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical affairs,
among which they spoke of the breaking of a chalice belong-
ing to the Lord, of which information was given them by
Ischyras, whom they brought with them, and who says that
he is a Presbyter, although he is not, — for he was ordained by
the Presbyter Colluthus who pretended to the Episcopate,
and was afterwards ordered by a whole Council, by Hosius
and the Bishops that were with him, to take the place of
a Presbyter, as he was before ; and accordingly all that were
ordained by Colluthus, resumed the same rank which they
held before, and so Ischyras himself proved to be a layman, —
and the Church, which he says he has, never was a Church
at all, but a small dwelling house belonging to an orphan
boy of the name of Ision ; — for this reason w r e have offered
this testimony, adjuring you by Almighty God, and by our
Lords Constantine Augustus, and the most illustrious Caesars
his sons, to bring these things to the knowledge of their
piety. Fot neither is he a Presbyter of the Catholic Church,
nor does he possess a Church, nor has a chalice ever been
broken, but the whole story is false and an invention.
1 A.D. Dated in the Consulship 1 of Julius Coustantius the most
•>oe
illustrious Patrician c , brother of the most religious Emperor
Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illus-
*August.trious men, on the tenth day of the month Thoth 2 ,
These were the letters of the Presbyters.
§. 77. 13. The following also are the letters and protests of the
Bishops who came with us to Tyre, when they discovered
the conspiracy and plot.
e The title Patrician was revived by Julius Constantius, who was the father of
Constantine as a personal distinction. It Julian, was the first who bore the title,
was for life, and gave precedence over with L. Optatus, who had been consul
all the great officers of state except the the foregoing year. Illustrissimus was
Consul. It was usually bestowed on the highest of the three ranks of honour,
favourites, or on ministers as a reward ibid,
of services. Gibbon, Hist. ch. 17. This
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Tlie Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to the whole Council of Tyre. 109
14. To the Bishops assembled at Tyre, most honoured Lords, Te. II.
those of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt— — —
with Athanasius send health in the Lord.
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed
against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Marus, Narcissus, Theo-
doras, and Patrophilus, is no longer uncertain. From the
very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister
Athanasius, to the holding of the inquiry in their presence,
knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much
more of many, is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a
cause. And you also yourselves know the enmity which
they entertain, not only towards us, but towards all the
orthodox, how that for the sake of the fanaticism of Arius,
and his impious doctrine, they direct their assaults, they
form conspiracies against all. And when, being confident
in the truth, we desired to shew the falsehood, which the
Meletians had employed against the Church, the Eusebians
endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our repre-
sentations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony,
threatening those who gave an honest judgment, and insult-
ing others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design
they had against us. Your divinely inspired 1 piety, most'l***?
honoured Lords, was probably ignorant of their conspiracy,
but we suppose that it has now been made manifest.
15. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it;
for they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party
who are suspected by us, so that, while we were abseut and
remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish
what they wished. They knew that the Arian fanatics, and
Colluthians d and Meletians, were enemies of the Catholic
Church, and therefore they were anxious to send them, that
in the presence of our enemies they might devise against us
whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians
who are here, even four days previously, (as they knew that
this inquiry was about to take place,) despatched at evening
certain of their party, as a post, for the purpose of collecting
Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because there were
d Colluthus formed a schism on the on himself to ordain, even to the Priest-
doctrine that God was not the cause of hood. vid. supr. p. 30, rote 1. St. Alex-
any sort of evil, e. g. did not inflict pain ander even seems to imply that he did
and suffering. Though a Priest, he took so for money. Theod. Hist. i. 3.
Digitized by
1 10 The Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to the whole Councilat Tyre,
Apol. none at all there, and Colluthians and Arian fanatics, from
ackAr. Qtner p ar j gj an( j i 0 prepare them to speak against us. For
you also know that Ischyras himself confessed before you,
that he had not more than seven persons in his congregation.
When therefore we heard that, after they had made what
preparations they pleased against us, and had sent these
suspected persons, they were going about to each of you,
and requiring your subscriptions, in order that it might
appear as if this had been done with the consent of you
all; for this reason we hastened to write to you, and to
present this our testimony ; declaring that we are the objects
of a conspiracy under which we are suffering by and through
them, and demanding that having the fear of God in your
minds, and condemning their conduct in sending whom they
pleased without our consent, you would refuse your sub-
scriptions, lest they pretend that those things are done by
you, which they are contriving only among themselves.
16. Surely it becomes those who are in Christ, not to regard
men, but to prefer the truth before all things. And be not
afraid of their threatenings, which they employ against all,
nor of their plots, but rather fear God. If it was at all
necessary that persons should be sent to the Mareotis, we
also ought to have been there with them, in order that we
might convict the enemies of the Church, and point out those
who were aliens, and that the investigation of the matter
might be impartial. For you know that the Eusebians
contrived that a letter should be presented, as coming from
the Colluthians, the Meletians, and Arians, and directed
against us: but it is evident that these enemies of the
Catholic Church speak nothing that is true concerning us,
but say every thing against us. And the law of God forbids
an enemy to be either a witness or a judge. Wherefore as
you will have to give an account in the day of judgment,
receive this testimony, and recognising the conspiracy which
has been framed against us, beware, if you are requested by
them, of doing any thing against us, and of taking part in the
designs of the Eusebians. For you know, as we said before,
that they are our enemies, and are aware why Eusebius of
Caesarea became such last year. We pray that you may be
1 xiyu in health, greatly beloved Lords l .
Digitized by Google
The Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to Count Dionysius. Ill
17. To the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius, from the Tr. II.
Bishops of the Catholic Church in Egypt who have come 7S '
to Tyre 1 . ^ §• 78 -
1 nearly
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed [f^a*
against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, the fore-
Theodoras, and Patrophilus, is no longer uncertain. From g0,ng *
the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-
minister Athanasius, to the holding of the inquiry in their
presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy
only, much more of many, is able to disturb and injure the
hearing of a cause. For their enmity is manifest which they
entertain, not only towards us, but also towards all the
orthodox, because they direct their assaults, they form con-
spiracies against all. And when, being confident in the
truth, we desired to shew the falsehood which the Meletians
had employed against the Church, the Eusebians en-
deavoured by some means or other to interrupt our repre-
sentations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony,
threatening those who gave a honest judgment and insulting
others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design they
had against us. Your goodness was probably ignorant of
the conspiracy which they have formed against us, but we
suppose that it has now been made manifest.
18. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for
they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who
are suspected by us, so that, while we were absent, and
remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish
what they wished. They knew that Arian fanatics, Collu-
thians, and Meletians were enemies of the Church, and
therefore they were anxious to send them, that in the
presence of our enemies, they might devise against us
whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians
who are here, even four days before, (as they knew that this
inquiry was about to take place,) despatched at evening two
individuals of their own party, as a post, for the purpose of
collecting Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because
there were none at all there, and Colluthians, and Arian
fanatics, from other parts, and to prepare them to speak
against us. And your goodness knows that he himself
Digitized by G(5ogIe
112 Second Letter from the Egyptian Bishops to Dionysius.
Apol. confessed before you, that he had not more than seven
— Ab * persons in his congregation. When therefore we heard that,
after they had made what preparations they pleased against
us, and had sent these suspected persons, they were going
about to each of the Bishops and requiring their sub-
scriptions, in order that it might appear that this was done
with the consent of them all ; for this reason we hastened to
refer the matter to your honour, and to present this our
testimony, declaring that we are the objects of a conspiracy,
under which we are suffering by and through them, and
demanding of you that having in your mind the fear of God,
and the pious commands of our most religious Emperor, you
would no longer tolerate these persons, but condemn their
conduct in sending whom they pleased without our consent.
I Adamantius Bishop have subscribed this letter, Ischyras,
Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapam-
mon, CElurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion,
Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbcethion, Potamon, Paph-
nutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agatharamon, Gaius, Pistus,
Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus,
Ariston, Theodorus, Irenaeus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apol-
los, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclam-
mon, Cronius, Muis, James, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phinees,
Psais, Heraclides.
19. Another front the same.
The Bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from
Egypt to Tyre, to the most illustrious Count Flavius Diony-
sius.
Perceiving that many conspiracies and plots are being
formed against us through the machinations of Eusebius,
Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, and
Patrophilus, (against whom we wished at first to enter an
objection, but were not permitted,) we are constrained to
have recourse to the present appeal. We observe also that
great zeal is exerted in behalf of the Meletians, and that a
plot is laid against the Catholic Church in Egypt in our per-
sons. Wherefore we address this letter to you, beseeching you
to bear in mind the Almighty Power of God, who defends
the kingdom of our most religious and godly Emperor Con-
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Letter of Alexander of Tfiessalonica to Dionysius. 118
stantine, and to reserve the hearing of the affairs which Tr. ii.
concern us for the most religious Emperor himself. For it is 79> —
but reasonable, since you were commissioned by his Majesty,
that you should reserve the matter for him upon our appealing
to his piety. We can no longer endure to be the objects of
the treacherous designs of the fore-mentioned Kusebians, and
therefore we demand that the case be reserved for the most
religious and godly Emperor, before whom we shall be able
to set forth our own and the Church's just claims. And we
are convinced that when his piety shall have heard our
cause, he will not condemn us. Wherefore we again adjure
you by Almighty God, and by our most religious Emperor,
who, together with the children of his piety, has thus ever
been victorious 1 and prosperous these many years, that you 1 pp. 79
proceed no further, nor suffer yourself to move at all in the p^g 6 '
Council in relation to our affairs, but reserve the hearing of r - 2 -
them for his piety. We have likewise made the same repre-
sentations to my Lords 2 the orthodox Bishops. 2 *»t*«s
20. Alexander 3 , Bishop of Thessalonica, on receiving these §. 80.
letters, wrote to the Count Dionysius as follows. note?'
21. The Bishop Alexander to my Lord 4 Dionysius. 4 W#rj
I see that a conspiracy has evidently been formed against
Athanasius ; for they have determined, I know not on what
grounds, to send all those to whom he has objected, without
giving any information to us, although it was agreed that we
should consider together who ought to be sent. Take care
therefore that nothing be done rashly, (for they have come to
me in great alarm, saying that the wild beasts have already
roused themselves, and are going to rush upon them; for
they had heard it reported, that John had sent certain,) lest
they be beforehand with us, and concoct what schemes they
please. For you know that the Colluthians 5 who are enemies s p . 109,
of the Church, and the Arians, and Meletians, are all of noted -
them leagued together, and are able to work much evil.
Cousider therefore what is best to be done, lest some
mischief befal, and we be subject to censure, as not having
judged the matter fairly. Great suspicions are also enter-
tained of these persons, lest, as being devoted to the Meletians,
i
Digitized by
114
Letter of Count Dionysius to the Eusebians.
Apol. they should go through those Churches whose Bishops are
ItTyre ^ eTG *' anc * ra * se an a ' arm amongst them, and so disorder the
* whole of Egypt. For they see that this is already taking place
to a great extent.
22. In consequence of this, the Count Dionysius wrote to
the Eusebians as follows.
§.81. 23. This is what I have already mentioned to my lords
Verhaps associated with Flacillus 2 , that Athanasius has come forward
Sentof an ^ complained that those very persons have been sent
Council, whom he objected to ; and crying out that be has been
note b. 'wronged and deceived. Alexander the lord of my soul has
also written to me on the subject; and that you may
perceive that what his Excellence has said is reasonable, I
have subjoined his letter to be read by you. Remember
also what I wrote to you before: I impressed upon your
Excellences, my lords, that the persons who were sent
ought to be commissioned by the general vote and decision
of all. Take care therefore lest our proceedings fall under
censure, and we give just grounds of blame to those who are
disposed to find fault with us. For as the accuser's side
ought not to suffer any oppression, so neither ought the
defendant's. And I think that there is no slight ground of
blame against us, when my lord Alexander appears to
disapprove of what we have done.
§. 82. 24. While matters were proceeding thus we withdrew from
Jer.9,2.them, as from an assembly of treacherous men, for what-
soever they pleased they did, whereas there is no man in
the world but knows that ex parte proceedings cannot
stand good. This the divine law determines ; for when the
blessed Apostle was suffering under a similar conspiracy and
Acts 24, was brought to trial, he demanded, saying, The Jews from
18# l9, Asia ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they
had ought against me. On which occasion Festus also,
when the Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as
Acts 26, these men have now laid against me, said, It is not the
manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before
that he which is accused have the accuser face to face,
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Inconsistencies in the testimonies in behalf of Ischyras. 115
and have licence to answer for himself concerning f7*eTa II.
crime laid against him. But the Eusebians have both — • — -
had the boldness to pervert the law, and have acted more
unjustly even than those unjust persons. For they did
not proceed privately at the first, but when in conse-
quence of our being present they found themselves weak,
then they straightway went out, like the Jews, and took
counsel together alone, how they might destroy us and
bring in their heresy, as they demanded Barabbas. For
this purpose it was, as they have themselves confessed, that
they did all these things.
25. Although these circumstances were amply sufficient for §. 83.
our vindication, yet in order that the wickedness of these
men and the freeness of the truth might be more fully ex-
hibited, I have not felt averse to repeat them again, in order
to shew that they have acted in a manner inconsistently with
themselves, and as men scheming in the dark have fallen
foul upon one another, and while they desired to destroy us
have like insane persons wounded themselves. For in their
investigation of the subject of the Mysteries, they questioned
Jews, they examined Catechumens 1 ; " Where were you," 1 vid.
they said, " when Macarius came and overturned the Table ?" p * 73 *
They answered, " We were present within doors ;** whereas
there could be no oblation if Catechumens were present.
Again, although they had written word every where, that
Macarius came and overthrew every thing, while the Pres-
byter was standing and celebrating the Mysteries, yet when
they questioned whomsoever they pleased, and asked them,
" Where was Ischyras when Macarius rushed in ?" those
persons answered that he was lying sick in a cell. Now he
that was lying could not be standing, nor could one that lay
sick in his cell offer the oblation. Besides whereas Ischyras
said that certain books had been burnt by Macarius, the
witnesses who were suborned to give evidence, declared that
nothing of the kind had been done, but that Ischyras spoke
falsely. And what is most remarkable, although they had
again written word every where, that those who were able to
give evidence had been concealed by us, yet these persons
made their appearance, and ihey questioned them, and were
not ashamed to find it proved on all sides that they were
12
Digitized by Google
116 Lettero/theCounciloJ Jerusalem totheAlexandrianChurch.
Apol. slanderers, and had acted in this matter clandestinely, and ac-
AO ' Ab * cording to their pleasure. For they prompted the witnesses
by signs, while the Prefect threatened them, and the soldiers
pricked them with their swords ; but the Lord revealed the
truth, and shewed them to be slanderers. Therefore also they
concealed the Records of their proceedings, which they
retained themselves, and charged those who wrote them to
keep out of sight, and to communicate to no one whom-
soever. But in this too also they were disappointed ; for
the person who wrote them was Rufus, who is now public
1 vid. executioner in the Augustalian 1 prefecture, and is able to testify
note d. to the truth of this ; and the Eusebians sent them to Rome by
the hands of their own friends, and Julius the Bishop trans-
mitted them to me. And now they are mad with rage, because
we have obtained and read what they wished to conceal.
§. 84. 26. As such was the character of their machinations, so they
very soon shewed plainly the reasons of their conduct. For
when they went away, they took the Arians with them to
Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion, having
'vid.de sent out a letter concerning them, part* of which, and the
siT(vol. beginning, is as follows.
103.) 07. The holy Council by the grace of God assembled at Jeru-
salem, to the Church of God which is in Alexandria, and
to the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in all Egypt, the
Thebais, Libya, Pentapolis, and throughout the world,
sends health in the Lord.
Having come together out of different Provinces to a
great meeting which we have held for the consecration of the
Martyry of the Saviour, which has been appointed to the
service of God the King of all and of His Christ, by the
zeal of our most religious Emperor Constantine, the grace
of God hath afforded us more abundant rejoicing of heart;
which our most religious Emperor himself hath occasioned
us by his letters, wherein he hath stirred us up to do that
which is right, putting away all envy from the Church of
God, and driving far from us all malice, by which the
members of God have been heretofore torn asunder, and
•that we should with single and peaceable minds receive the
Arians, whom envy, that enemy of all goodness, has caused
Digitized by Google
Bargain of the Eusebiam with Ischyras.
117
for a season to be excluded from the Church. Our most Tr. II.
religious Emperor has also in his letter testified to the cor- 84< 85 '
rectness of their faith, which he has ascertained from them-
selves, himself receiving the profession of it from them by word
of mouth, and has now made manifest to us by subjoining a
written declaration of their orthodox belief.
28. Every one that hears of these things must see through §. 85.
their treachery. For they made no concealment of what
they were doing ; unless perhaps they confessed the truth
without wishing it. For if I was the hindrance to the
admittance of the Arians into the Church, and if they were
received while I was suffering from their plots, what other
conclusion can be arrived at, than that these things were
done on their account, and that all their proceedings against
me, and the story which they fabricated about the breaking
of the chalice and the murder of Arsenius, were for the sole
purpose of introducing impiety into the Church, and of pre-
venting their being condemned as heretics? For this was
what the Emperor threatened long ago in his letters to me.
And they were not ashamed to write in the manner they did,
and to affirm that those persons whom the whole Ecumenical
Council anathematized held orthodox sentiments. And as
they undertook to say and do any thing without scruple, so
they were not afraid to meet together in a corner, in order
to overthrow, as far as was in their power, the authority of so
great a Council.
29. Moreover, the price which they paid for false testimony
yet more fully manifests their wickedness and impious in-
tentions. The Mareotis, as I have already said, is a district
of Alexandria, in which there has never been either a Bishop
or a Chorepiscopus 6 ; but the Churches of the whole district
are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria, and each Presbyter
has under his charge one of the largest villages, which are
about ten or more in number f . Now the village in which
Ischyras lives, is a very small one, and possesses so few
inhabitants, that there has never been a Church built there,
* That Chorepiscopi were real Bi- i. 2. c. 1.
shops, vid. Bevereg. in Cone. Ancyr. f Ten under each Presbyter. Vales.
Can. 13. Routh in Cone. Neocffls. Can. ad Socr. Hist. i. 27. Ten altogether,
13. referring to Rhabanus Maurus. Montfaucon in loc. with more proba-
Thomassin on the other hand denies bility; and so Tillemont, vol. 8. p.
that they were Bishops, Discipl. Eccl. 20.
118 The Receiver-General to the Tax-collector oftheMareotis.
Apol. but only in the adjoining village. Nevertheless, they deter-
A0 ' AR -mined, contrary to ancient usage *, to nominate a Bishop for
this place, and not only so, but even to appoint one, who was
not so much as a Presbyter. Knowing as they did the
unusual nature of such a proceeding, yet being constrained
by the promises they had given in return for his false impeach-
ment of me, they submitted even to this, lest that abandoned
person, if he were ill-treated by them, should disclose the
truth, and thereby shew the wickedness of the Eusebians.
Notwithstanding this, he has no Church, nor a people to
obey him, but is scouted by them all, like a dog h , although
they have even caused the Emperor to write to the Receiver-
1 Catho- General l , (for every thing is in their power,) commanding
p. C 32. lnat a Church should be built for him, that being possessed
Apol. ad of that, his statement may appear credible about the chalice
§. 10. and the table. They caused him immediately to be nomi-
nated a Bishop, because if he were without a Church, and
not even a Presbyter, he would appear to be a false accuser,
and a fabricator of the whole matter. Nevertheless he pos-
* pp. sesses but an empty title, as he has no people 2 , and even his
i08,uo. own re ] a ^ ons are no t obedient to him, and the letter also has
failed to accomplish its purpose, remaining only as a con-
vincing proof of the utter wickedness of himself and the
Eusebians. It runs as follows.
30. The Letter of the Receiver-General.
3 Ex- Flavius Hemerius sends health to the Tax-collector 3 of the
Mtor - Mareotis.
Ischyras the Presbyter having petitioned the piety of our
Lords, Caesars Augusti, that a Church might be built in the
4 p. 34, district of the Peace of Secontarurus 4 , their divinity has com-
note o. mano » e( i th at t hi s s bould be done as soon as possible. Take
care therefore, as soon as you receive the copy of the sacred
Edict, which with all due veneration is placed above, and the
Reports which have been formed before my sanctity, that you
8 It was against the Canon of Sar- however, makes him a Deacon. Frag in.
dica, and doubtless against ancient ii. 16.
usage, to ordain a Bishop for so small h Dogs without owners, and almost
a village, vid. Bingham, Antiqu. ii. 12. in a wild state, abound, as is well known,
who, however, maintains by instances, in Eastern cities ; vid. Psalm lix. 6, 14,
that at least small towns might be sees. 15. 2 Kings ix. 35, 36. and for the view
AIko it was against usage that a lay- taken in Scripture of dogs, vid. Bochart,
man, as Ischyras, should be made a Hieroz. ii. 56.
Bishop, ibid. 10. §. 4, &c. St. Hilary,
Digitized by Google
Letter of Constantine to the Council of Tyre. 119
quickly make an abstract of them, and transfer them to the Tr. ii.
Order book, so that the sacred command may be put in 85 ' 86 '
execution.
31. While they were thus plotting and scheming, I went up 1 §. 86.
and represented to the Emperor the unjust conduct of thej^ 26 '
Eusebians, for he it was who had commanded the Council to
be held, and his Count presided at it. When he heard my
report, he was greatly moved, and wrote to them as follows.
32. Victor 2 , Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops * Euseb.
assembled at Tyre. li?48* U
I know not what the decisions are which you have arrived
at in your Council amidst noise and tumult ; but somehow
the truth seems to have been perverted in consequence of
certain confusions and disorders, in that you, through your
mutual contentiousness, which you are resolved should pre-
vail, have failed to perceive what is pleasing to God. How-
ever, it will rest with Divine Providence to disperse the
mischiefs which manifestly are found to arise from this
contentious spirit, and to shew plainly to us, whether you,
while assembled in that place, have had any regard for the
truth, and whether you have made your decisions uninfluenced
by either favour or enmity. Wherefore I wish you all to
assemble with all speed before my piety, in order that you
may render in person a true account of your proceedings.
33. The reason why I have thought good to write thus to
you, and why I summon you before me by letter, you will
learn from what I am going to say. As I was entering on a
late occasion our all-happy home of Constantinople, which
bears our name, (I chanced at the time to be on horseback,)
on a sudden the Bishop Athanasius, with certain others
whom he had with him, approached me in the middle of the
road, so unexpectedly, as to occasion me much amazement.
God, who knoweth all things, is my witness, that I should
have been unable at first sight even to recognise him, had
not some of my attendants, on my naturally enquiring of
them, informed me both who it was, and under what injustice
he was suffering. I did not however enter into any conver-
sation with him at that time, nor grant him an interview;, but
Digitized by
120 Letter of Constantine to the Council of Tyre.
Apol. when he requested to be heard I refused, and all but gav£
orders for his removal: when with increasing boldness he
claimed only this favour, that you should be summoned to
appear, that he might have an opportunity of complaining
before me in your presence, of the ill-treatment which he has
met with. As this appeared to me to be a reasonable request,
and suitable to the times, I willingly ordered this letter to be
written to you, in order that all of you, who constituted the
Council which was held at Tyre, might hasten without delay
1 *«-{««-•• to the Court 1 of my clemency, so as to prove by facts that you
**" 0 ' 0 had passed an impartial and uncorrupt judgment. This, I
note z! say, you must do before me, whom not even you will deny to
2 be a true servant of God *
*w« 34 p or m( j ee ci through my devotion 5 to God, peace is pre-
r^timt served every where, and the Name of God is truly worshipped
even by the barbarians, who have hitherto been ignorant of
the truth. And it is manifest, that he who is ignorant of the
truth, does not know God. Nevertheless, as I said before,
even the barbarians have now come to the knowledge of God,
by means of me, His true servant 1 , and have learned to fear
Him whom they perceive from actual facts to be my shield
and protector every where. And from this chiefly they have
come to know God, whom they fear through the dread which
they have of me. But we, who profess to set forth (for I will
not say to guard) the holy mysteries of His Goodness, we,
I say, engage in nothing but what tends to dissension and
hatred, and, in short, whatever contributes to the destruction
of mankind. But hasten, as I said before, and all of you
with all speed come to us, being persuaded that I shall
endeavour with all my might to amend what is amiss, so
that those things specially may be preserved and firmly
established in the law of God, to which no blame nor
dishonour may attach ; while the enemies of the law, who
under pretence of His holy Name bring in manifold and
divers blasphemies, shall be scattered abroad, and entirely
crushed, and utterly destroyed.
1 " Once in an entertainment, at of matters within the Church, I am
which he (Constantine) received Bi- appointed by God to be Bishop of
shops, he made the remark that he too matters external to it.' " Euseb. Vit
was a Bishop ; using pretty much these Const, iv. 24. vid. supr. p. 76, note
words in my hearing, * You are Bishops m.
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Letter of Con start tine to the Alexandrian laity. 121
35. When the Eusebians read this letter, being conscious of Tb. II.
what they had done, they prevented the rest of the Bishops 97 '
from going up, and only themselves went, viz. Eusebius, §•
Theognius, Patrophilus, the other Eusebius, Ursacius, and
Valens. And they no longer said any thing about the
chalice and Arsenius, (for they had not the boldness to do
so,) but inventing another accusation which concerned the
Emperor himself, they declared before him, that Athanasius
had threatened that he would cause the corn to be withheld
which was sent from Alexandria to his own home 1 . The 1 Con-
Bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, and^e."
Peter, were present and heard this. It was proved also by
the anger of the Emperor ; for although he had written the
preceding letter, and had condemned their injustice, as soon
as he heard such a charge as this, he was immediately in-
censed, and instead of granting me a hearing, he sent me away
into Gaul. And this again shews their wickedness further :
for when the younger Constantine, of blessed memory, sent
me back home, remembering what his father had written, he
also wrote as follows.
36. Constantine Caesar, to the people of the Catholic Church
of the city of Alexandria.
I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your
pious minds, that Athanasius, the interpreter of the adorable
Law, was sent away into Gaul for a time, with the intent
that, as the savageness of his bloodthirsty and inveterate
enemies persecuted him to the hazard of his sacred life 2 , he**ip«A«
might thus escape suffering some irremediable calamity,
through the perverse dealing of those evil men. In order
therefore to escape this, he was snatched out of the jaws of
his assailants, and was ordered to pass some time under my
government, and so was supplied abundantly with all neces-
saries in this city, where he lived, although indeed his cele-
brated virtue, relying entirely on divine assistance, set at
nought the sufferings of adverse fortune. Now seeing that it
was the fixed intention of our Lord 5 Constantine Augustus, ray 3
Father, to restore the said Bishop to his own place, and to rnt
your most beloved piety, but he was taken away by that
fate which is common to all men, and went to his rest before
Digitized by
122
Conclusion of the Apology.
Apol. he could accomplish his wish ; I have thought proper to fulfil
aq. All * t hat intention of the Emperor of sacred memory which I
have inherited from him. When he comes to present him-
self before you, you will learn with what reverence he has
been treated. Indeed it is not wonderful, whatever I have
done on his behalf; for the thoughts of your longing
desire for him, and the appearance of so great a man, moved
my mind, and urged me thereto. May Divine Providence
continually preserve you, dearly beloved brethren.
* June Dated from Treves the 15th before the Calends of July l .
ir.A.D.
338.
§. 88. 37. This being the reason why I was sent away into Gaul,
who, I ask again, does not plainly perceive the intention of
the Emperor, and the murderous spirit of the Eusebians,
and that the Emperor did this in order to prevent their
forming some more desperate scheme? for he listened to them
with a sincere purpose k . Such were the practices of the
Eusebians, and such their machinations against me. Who
that has witnessed them will deny that nothing has been
done in my favour out of partiality, but that that great
number of Bishops both individually and collectively wrote
as they did in my behalf and condemned the falsehood of
my enemies justly, and in accordance with the truth ? Who
that has observed such proceedings as these will deny that
Valens and Ursacius had good reason to condemn them-
selves, and to write as they did, to accuse themselves on
their repentance, choosing rather to suffer shame for a short
time, than to undergo the punishment of false accusers for
ever and ever 1 ?
§. 89. 38. Wherefore also my blessed brothers in ministry, acting
justly and according to the laws of the Church, while certain
k Wn*$vrt ykt irXSt. Montfaucon
in Onomast. (Atban. t. 2. ad calc.)
points out some passages in his author,
where Wmmvui like &r«*#vf*r, means
"to answer." vid. Apol. ad Const. $.
16. init Orat. iii. 27 tin.
1 Here ends the second part of the
Apology, as is evident by turning back
to §. 58. (supra, p. 87 tin.) to which
this paragraph is an allusion. The
express object of the second part was
to prove, what has now been proved
by documents, that Valens and Ursacius
did but succumb to plain facts which
they could not resist. It is observable
too from this passage that the Apology
was written before their relapse, i. e.
before A. D. 351, or 352. The remain-
ing two sections are written after 357,
as they mention the fall of Liberius and
Hosius, and speak of Constantius in
different language from any which has
been found above, vid. Libr. F. vol. 8.
p. 90, note p.
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Postscript.
123
affirmed that my case was doubtful, and endeavoured toT*. II.
compel them to annul the sentence which was passed in my 89> —
favour, have now endured all manner of sufferings, and have
chosen rather to be banished than to see the judgment of so
many Bishops reversed. Now if those genuine Bishops had
withstood by words only those who plotted against me, and
wished to undo all that had been done in my behalf; or
if they had been ordinary men, and not the Bishops of
illustrious cities, and the heads of great Churches, there
would have been room to suspect that in this instance they
too had acted contentiously and in order to gratify me.
But when they not only endeavoured to convince by argument,
hut also endured banishment, and one of them is Liberius
Bishop of Rome, (for although he did not endure to the end
the sufferings of banishment, yet he remained in his exile for
two years, being aware of conspiracy formed against me,) and
since there is also the great Hosius, together with the Bishops
of Italy, and of Gaul, and others from Spain, and from
Egypt, and Libya, and all those from Pentapolis, (for
although for a little while, through fear of the threats of
Constantius, he seemed not to resist them, yet the great
violence and tyrannical power exercised by Constantius, and
the many insults and stripes inflicted on him, prove that it
was not because he gave up my cause, but through the
weakness of old age, being unable to bear the stripes, that
he yielded to them for a season,) therefore I say, it is alto-
gether right that all, as being folly convinced, should hate
and abominate the injustice and the violence which they have
used towards me ; especially as it is well known that I have
suffered these things on account of nothing else but the
Arian impiety.
39. Now if any one wishes to become acquainted with my §. 90.
case, and the falsehood of the Eusebians, let him read what
has been written in my behalf, and let him hear the witnesses,
not one, or two, or three, but that great number of Bishops ;
and again let him attend to the witnesses of these proceed-
ings, Liberius and Hosius, and their associates, who when
they saw the attempts made against me, chose rather to
endure all manner of sufferings than to give up the truth,
and the judgment which had been pronounced in my favour.
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124
Postscript.
Apol. And this they did with an honourable and righteous intention,
aq. AR * fo r wnat t jj e y suffered proves to what straits the other
Bishops were reduced. And they are memorials and records
against the Arian heresy, and the wickedness of the false
accusers, and afford a pattern and model for those who come
after, to contend for the truth unto death, and to abominate
1 x?rr$- the Arian heresy which fights against Christ 1 , and is a fore-
voL8?p. mnner °^ Antichrist 4 ; and not to believe those who attempt
6,noten.to speak against me. For the defence put forth, and the
p. 79, sentence given, by so many Bishops of high character, are a
note q. trustworthy and sufficient testimony in my behalf.
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III.
ENCYCLICAL EPISTLE
OF OUR HOLT
FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
TO THE BISHOPS OF EGYPT AND LIBYA,
AGAINST THE ARIANS.
[The Circular Epistle which follows was addressed by S. Athanasius to the
Bishops of his Patriarchate in the beginning of 356, immediately after
his flight from Egypt on the outrages committed against the Church hy
Syrianus. Some indeed have referred it to the year 361, with some
plausibility, on the ground of a passage in §. 22, where he speaks of the
Arians being " declared heretics 36 years ago and cast out of the Church
by decree of the whole Ecumenical Council i. e 325. However, if a stop
is placed after " ago," the former clause may be made to refer to S. Alex-
ander's condemnation of them, as Montfaucon observes. On the other
hand it is plainly proved from §. 7, that it was written just as the Arians
were sending George of Cappadocia to Alexandria, i. e. before Easter
356, and after Feb. 9, the date of A thanasius's leaving Alexandria. The
stress too which is laid upon maintaining the Nicene Creed, and the
notice of the Arian appeal to Scripture, and the respectful language he
uses of Constantius, all agree with the date 356, if corroboration is
necessary. There is very little in this Epistle which is not contained in
his other Treatises, and a considerable portion is of a doctrinal character.
It was written on occasion of an attempt made by the Arians to seduce
the Bishops addressed into subscribing one of the specious Creeds of
which so much is read in the history of the times ; but nothing can be
gathered of the circumstances from collateral sources. The Treatise
was formerly put at the head of the Orations against the Arians, and
numbered as the first of them.]
CHAP. I.
1. All things whatsoever our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, ^ j
as Luke hath written, both did and taught, He did for our vid
salvation, for which He appeared in the world ; for He came, Actsi,
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126 Christ warned His followers against false prophets.
Lett, as John saith, not to condemn the world, but that the world
T Lib? through Him might be saved. And among the rest we have
John 3 } especially to admire this instance of His goodness, that He
^ was not silent concerning those who should fight against us,
but plainly told us beforehand, that, when those things
should come to pass, we might straightway be found with
Mat.24, minds established by His teaching. For He said, There
24 ' 26 * shall arise false prophets and false Christs, and shall shew
great signs and wonders ; insomuch that, if it were possible,
the very elect shall be deceived. Behold, I have told you
before. Manifold indeed and beyond human conception are
the instructions and gifts of grace which He has laid up in
us ; as the pattern of heavenly conversation, power against
devils, the adoption of sons, and that exceeding great and
singular grace, the knowledge of the Father and of the Word
Himself, and the gift of the Holy Ghost. But the mind of
man is prone to evil exceedingly ; moreover, our adversary
the devil, envying us the possession of such great blessings,
goeth about seeking to snatch away the seed of the word
which is sown within us. Wherefore as if by His prophetic
warnings He would seal up His instructions in our hearts as
Lnte2i,His own peculiar treasure, the Lord said, Take heed that no
8 * man deceive you: for many shall come in My name, saying,
I am he; and the time draweth near; and they shall
deceive many: go ye not therefore after them.
2. This is a great gift which the Word has bestowed upon
us, that we should not be deceived by appearances, but that,
howsoever these things are concealed, we should distinguish
them by the grace of the Spirit. For whereas the inventor
of wickedness and great spirit of evil, the devil, is utterly
i /Wxxi- hateful, and as soon as he shews himself is rejected 1 of all
vol! 8. d * men 5 — as a serpent, as a dragon, as a lion seeking whom he
p. 53, may seize upon and devour, — therefore he conceals and
note * covers what he really is, and craftily personates that Name
which all men desire, so that deceiving by a false appear-
ance, he may bind fast in his chains those whom he has led
astray. And as if one that desired to kidnap the children of
others during the absence of their parents, should personate
their appearance, and so putting a cheat on the affections of
the offspring, should carry them far away and destroy them ;
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Satan pretending to be holy, is detected by the Christian. 127
in like manner this evil and wily spirit the devil, having noTn.HI.
confidence in himself, and knowing the love which men 1 ~ 3 *
bear to the truth, puts on the resemblance thereof, and so
spreads his poison among those that follow after him.
3. Thus he deceived Eve, not speaking his own, but artfully §. 2.
adopting the words of God, and perverting their meaning.
Thus he suggested evil to the wife of Job, persuading her to
feign affection for her husband, while he taught her to blas-
pheme God. Thus does the crafty spirit mock men by false
appearances, deluding and drawing each into his own pit of
wickedness. When of old he deceived the first man Adam,
thinking that through him he should have* all men subject
unto bim, he exulted with great boldness and said, My handu. 10,
hath found as a nest the riches of the people; and as one 14 '
gathereth eggs that are left, have I gathered all the earth ;
and there was none that moved the wing, or opened the
mouth, or 'peeped. But when the Lord came upon earth,
and the enemy made trial of His human economy, being
unable to deceive the flesh which He had taken upon Him,
from that time forth He, who promised Himself the occupation
of the whole world, is for His sake mocked even by children :
that proud one is mocked as a sparrow 1 . For now the infant l vid. Job
child lays his hand upon the hole of the asp, and laughs ^f 4,
at him that deceived Eve ; and all that rightly believe
in the Lord tread under foot him that said, / will ascend U.u,
above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the Most u *
High.
4. Thus he suffers and is dishonoured; and although he still
ventures with shameless confidence to disguise himself, yet
now, wretched spirit, he is detected the rather by them that
bear the Sign on their foreheads; yea, more, he is rejected of
them, and is humbled, and put to shame. For even if,
now that he is a creeping serpent, he shall transform himself
into an angel of light, yet his deception will not profit him ;
for we have been taught that though an angel from heaven ™^Gal.
preach unto us any other gospel than that we have received, 9
he shall be accursed. And although, again, he eonceal his §. 3.
natural falsehood, and pretend to speak truth with his lips ;
yet are we not ignorant of his devices, but are able to answer 2 Cor. 2,
him in the words spoken by the Spirit against him; But 11 '
128 Satan being hateful in himself pretends to be holy.
Lett, unto the ungodly, said God, why dost thou preach My laws?
T LiB.° # and, Praise is not seemly in the mouth of a sinner. For even
Ps. 60, though he speak the truth, the deceiver is not worthy of credit.
Ec'clus ^' *^ n( ^ wnereas Scripture has shewn this, when relating his
15, 9. wicked artifices against Eve in Paradise, so the Lord also
Job 41, reproved him, — first in the mount, when He laid open the folds
* vfd. Pt of his breast-plate 1 , and shewed who the crafty spirit was, and
VOl i78 P rove< ^ ^ at was not one °f *e samts *> DUt Satan that
?or " was tempting Him. For He said, Get thee behind me, Satan;
writers f or written, Thou shall worship the Lord thy God, and
k y \m. 9 Him only shall thou serve. And again, when He put a curb
Mat. 4, « n tne mout j lg 0 f tne devils that cried after Him from the
tombs. For although what they said was true, and they lied
Mat. 8, not then, saying, Thou art the Son of God, and the Holy
Mark l, O ne °f God; yet He would not that the truth should proceed
24 « from an unclean mouth, and especially from such as them,
lest under pretence thereof they should mingle with it their
3 vol. 8, own malicious devices, and sow 3 them while men slept.
Dotek. Therefore He suffered them not to speak these words, neither
would He have us to suffer such, but hath charged us by
Mat. 7, His own mouth, saying, Beware of false prophets, which
m * come to you in sheeps* clothing, but inwardly they are
ravening wolves; and by the mouth of His Holy Apostles,
l John Believe not every spirit.
4 ? L 6. Such is the method of our adversary's operations ; and of
the like nature are all these inventions of heresies, each of
which has for the father of its own device the devil, who
changed and became a murderer and a liar from the
beginning. But being ashamed to profess his hateful name,
they usurp the glorious Name of our Saviour which is above
Phil. 2, every name, and deck themselves out in the language of
9t Scripture, speaking indeed the words, but stealing away the
true meaning thereof; and so disguising by some artifice their
false inventions, they also become the murderers of those
whom they have led astray. For to what benefit do
Marcion and Manichaeus receive the Gospel while they
* vol. 8, reject the Law 4 ? For the New Testament arose out of the
' Old, and bears witness to the Old; if then they reject this,
how can they receive that which proceeds from it ? Thus
Paul was an Apostle of the Gospel, which God promised
Digitized by Google
// profits not , to receive part of Scripture, and reject part. 1 29
afore by His prophets in the holy Scriptures; and ourTn.Hi.
Lord Himself said, Search the Scriptures, for they are they ^ 3> ll
which testify of Me. How then shall they confess the 2. 9
Lord, unless they first search the Scriptures which are^ bn6 >
written concerning Him ? And the disciples say that they
have found Him, of whom Moses and the Prophets did John 1,
write.
7. And to what end do the Sadducees retain the Law,
if they receive not the Prophets 1 ? For God who gave the 'vid.Pri-
Law, Himself promised in the Law that He would raise upcomUi.
Prophets also, so that the same is Lord both of the Law and 6
of the Prophets, and he that denies the one must of necessity ed.
deny the other also. And again, how can the Jews receive l725 '*
the Old Testament, unless they acknowledge the Lord
whose coming was expected according to it ? For had they
believed the writings of Moses, they would have believed
the words of the Lord ; for He said, He wrote of Me. John 6,
46
Moreover, what are the Scriptures to Paul* of Samosata, who* v ' 0 \ m Sm
denies the Word of God and His incarnate Presence*, wm chM 6 .»
is signified and declared both in the Old and New Testa- » ibid,
ment? And of what use are the Scriptures to the Ariaus^ 6 ^
also, and why do they bring them forward, men who say
that the Word of God is a creature, and like the Gentiles,
serve the creature more than God the Creator? Thus each Rom '
26.
of these heresies, in respect of the peculiar impiety of its
invention 4 , has nothing in common with the Scriptures. 4 Wtuimt
And their advocates are aware of this, that the Scriptures
are very much, or rather altogether, opposed to the doctrines
of every one of them ; but for the sake of deceiving the
more simple sort, (such as are those of whom it is written in
the Proverbs, The simple believeth every word,) they pretend ^* ov ' 5
like their father the devil 5 to study and to quote the language John 8,
of Scripture, in order that they may appear by their words tof* 0rat
have a right belief, and so may persuade their wretched K. 73,74.
followers to believe contrary to the Scriptures 8 . p^ 8,
8. Assuredly in every one of these heresies the devil hasj?ote3.
thus disguised himself, and has suggested to them words p . i89.
ftdl of craftiness. The Lord spake concerning them, that
there shall arise false Christs and false prophets, so *Aa/Mat.24,
they shall deceive many. Accordingly the Devil has come,
K
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180 All heresies agree to lie, but in nothing else.
Lett, speaking by each and saying, " I am Christ, and the truth
*Lib? * s w * tn me an( ^ ne ^ as ma( ^ e tnem > one and all, to be
liars like himself. And strange it is, that while all
heresies are at variance with one another concerning the
mischievous inventions which each has framed, they are
1 vol. 8, united together only by the common purpose of lying 1 . For
lotell they have one and the same father that has sown in them all
^ d * t .. the seeds of falsehood. Wherefore the faithful Christian
$*18. and true disciple of the Gospel, having grace to discern
spiritual things, and having built the house of his faith upon
a rock, stands continually firm and secure from their deceits.
But the simple person, as I said before, that is not
thoroughly grounded in knowledge, such an one, con-
sidering only the words that are spoken and not perceiving
9 p. 134, their meaning 2 , is immediately drawn away by their wiles.
Wherefore it is good and needful for us to pray that we may
receive the gift of discerning spirits, so that every one may-
know, according to the precept of John, whom he ought to
reject and whom to receive as friends and of the same faith.
Now one might write at great length concerning these
things, if one desired to go into details respecting them;
for the impiety and perverseness of heresies will appear to
be manifold and various, and the craft of the deceivers to be
very terrible. But since holy Scripture is of all things most
3 vol. 8, sufficient 3 for us, therefore recommending to those who desire
J'f 1 ' to know more of these matters, to read the Divine word, I now
hasten to set before you that which most claims attention,
and for the sake of which principally I have written these
things.
§. 5. 9. I have heard during my sojourn in these parts 4 , (and they
leRtine" were true an( ^ ortno ^ ox brethren that informed me,) that
Tillem. certain professors of Arian opinions have met together, and
P?*i86. nave drawn up a confession of faith to their own liking, and
that they intend to send word to you, that you must either
subscribe to what pleases them, or rather to what the Devil
has inspired them with, or in case of refusal must suffer
banishment. They have indeed already begun to molest
the Bishops of these parts ; and thereby have plainly
manifested their disposition. For inasmuch as they have
framed this document only for the purpose of inflicting
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Attempt of Avians to substitute a Creed for the Nicene. 131
banishment or other punishments, what does such con-TR.iii.
duct prove them to be, but enemies of the Christians, 6> 6 '
and friends of the Devil and his angels ? and especially,
since they spread abroad what they like contrary to the
mind of that gracious Prince, our most religious Emperor
Constantius 1 . And this they do with great craftiness, and, as 1 vol. 8,
appears to me, chiefly with two ends in view ; first, that by Jotep.
obtaining your subscriptions, they may seem to remove the
evil repute that rests upon the name of Arius, and may
escape notice themselves as if not professing his opinions ;
and again, that by putting forth these statements they may
cast a shade over the Council of Nicaea 2 , and the confession 8 ibid,
of faith which was then put forth against the Arian heresy. no ^ e
10. But this proceeding does but prove the more plainly
their own maliciousness and heterodoxy. For had they
believed aright, they would have been satisfied with the
confession put forth at Nicaea by the whole Ecumenic 33 ibid.
Council ; and had they considered themselves calumniated nottfo,
and falsely called Arians, they ought not to have been so de Svn -
f , . . . , passim.
eager to innovate upon what was written against Anus, lest
what was directed against him might seem to be aimed at
them also. This however is not the course they pursue, but
they conduct the struggle in their own behalf, just as if they
were Arius. Observe how entirely they disregard the truth,
and how every thing they say and do is for the sake of the
Arian heresy. For in that they dare to question those
sound definitions of the faith, and take upon themselves to
produce others contrary to them, what else do they but
accuse the Fathers, and stand up in defence of that heresy
which they opposed and protested against ? And what they
now write proceeds not from any regard for the truth, as I
said before, rather they do it as in mockery and by an
artifice, for the purpose of deceiving men ; that by sending
about their letters they may engage the ears of the people to
listen to these notions, and so put off the time when they
will be brought to trial ; and that by concealing their impiety 4 * p. 35,
from observation, they may have room to extend their heresy, r " 1#
which like a gangrene eats its way every where. jj Tim.
11. Accordingly they disturb and disorder every thing, and | q
yet are never satisfied with their own proceedings. For
k 2
Digitized by Google
132 Rejecting the truth, they wander from lie to lie.
Lett, every year, as if they were going to draw up a contract, they
T £ib? meet together and pretend to write about the faith, whereby
they expose themselves the more to ridicule and disgrace,
because their expositions are rejected, not by others, but
1 vol.8, by themselves 1 . For had they had any confidence in their
note c. previous statements, they would not have desired to draw up
others; nor again, rejecting these last, would they now have
set down the one in question, which no doubt true to their
custom, they will again alter, after a very short interval, and
as soon as they shall find a pretence for their customary plotting
against certain persons. For when they have a design
against any, then it is that they make a great shew of writing
about the faith ; that, as Pilate washed his hands, so they by
a like proceeding may destroy those who rightly believe in
Christ, hoping that, as making definitions about the faith, they
will appear, as I have repeatedly said, to be free from the
charge of false doctrine.
12. But they will not be able to hide themselves, nor to
* ^ id ' escape ; for they continually become their own accusers* even
noteo. while they defend themselves. Justly so, since instead of
answering those who bring proof against them, they do but
persuade themselves to believe whatever they wish. And
when is an acquittal obtained, upon the criminal becoming
his own judge? Hence it is that they are always writing,
and always altering their own previous statements, and thus
» ibid. th ev s hew an uncertain faith 5 , or rather a manifest unbelief
notek. and perverseness. And this, it appears to me, must needs
note L De the case with them ; for since, having fallen away from
the truth, and desiring to overthrow that sound confession
of faith which was drawn up at Nicaea, they have, in the
Jer. u, language 0 f Scripture, loved to wander, and have not refrained
their feet; therefore, like Jerusalem of old, they labour and
toil in these their changes, sometimes writing one thing, and
4 xc***+- sometimes another, but only for the sake of gaining time,
134. §. 8 and that they may continue enemies of Christ 4 , and deceivers
1^, £3. of mankind.
§. 7. 13. Who then, that has any real regard for truth, will be
^ u ^'|; willing to suffer these men any longer? who will not justly
ycLs. p. reject their expositions? who will not denounce their auda-
iy, that being but few 6 in number, they would have their
Digitized by Google
The Eusebians really Avians . 133
decisions to prevail over every thing, and as desiring theTn.ni.
supremacy of their own meetings, held in corners and — - —
suspicious in their circumstances, would forcibly cancel the
decrees of an uncorrupt, pure, and Ecumenic Council?
Men who have been promoted by the Eusebians for ad-
vocating this Antichristian heresy, venture to define articles
of faith, and while they ought to be brought to judgment
as criminals, like Caiaphas, they take upon themselves to
judge. They compose a Thalia 1 , and would have it received 1 vol. 8.
as a standard of faith, while they are not yet themselves p ' 94,&c "
determined what they believe.
14. Who does not know that Secundus 8 of Pentapolis, who 2 ibid.p P .
88 89
was several times degraded long ago, was received by them gU p r p
for the sake of the Arian fanaticism; and that George 3 nowJ4.
of Laodicea, and Leontius the Eunuch, and before him Ste- 25?note
pbanus, and Theodoras of Heraclea 4 , were promoted by them? J*
Ursacius and Valens also, who from the first were instructed yTw!
by Arius as young men 5 , though they had been formerly 5 supr.
degraded from the Priesthood, afterwards got the title of£otem.
Bishops on account of their impiety; as did also Acacius,
Patrophilus 6 , and Narcissus, who have been most forward in 6 omitted
all manner of impiety. These were degraded in the great rightly
Council of Sardica; Eustathius also now of Sebastea, Demo- ( ? ) 6 8 «P r «
philus and Germinius 7 , Eudoxius and Basil, who are sup- ? "vol.'s.
porters of that impiety, were advanced in the same manner, gg* 85 >
Of Cecropius 8 , and him they call Auxentius, and of Epictetus 9s of Nico-
the stage-player, it were superfluous for me to speak, since it J 0 ^ 1 **
is manifest to all men, in what manner, on what pretexts, and Hist
by what enemies of ours these were promoted, that they might 74°^
play their false charges against the orthodox Bishops who
were the objects of their designs. For although they resided
at the distance of eighty posts 10 , and were unknown to the'°supr.
people, yet on the ground of their impiety they were able to ^te°h.
procure for themselves the title of Bishop. For the same
reason also they have now 11 hired one George of Cappadocia, 11 p. 125.
whom they wish to impose upon you. But no respect is due
to him any more than to the rest; for there is a report in
these parts that he is not even a Christian, but is devoted to
the worship of idols ; and he has a hangman's temper l2 . And 18 ™\. 8.
this person, such as he is described to be, they have taken % 0 tef!
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184 JVordsbad 9 thoughScripturalyWhichproceed/rom badmen,
Lett, into their ranks, that they may be able to injure, to plunder,
T Lib.° ana< to s ^ a y 5 *° r m ^ese things he is a great proficient, but
is ignorant of the very principles of the Christian faith.
§. 8. 15. Such are the machinations of these men against the
truth : but their designs are manifest to all the world, though
they attempt in ten thousand ways, like eels, to elude the
grasp, and to escape detection as enemies of Christ. Where-
fore I beseech you, let no one among you be deceived, no
one seduced by them; rather, considering that a sort of
judaical impiety is invading the Christian faith, be ye all
zealous for the Lord ; hold fast, every one, the faith we
have received from the Fathers, which they who assembled
1 vol. 8, at Nicaea recorded in writing 1 , and endure not those who
note 9 p. endeavour to innovate thereon. And however they may
quote phrases out of the Scripture, endure not their com-
positions; however they may speak the language of the
orthodox, yet attend not to what they say ; for they speak
not with an upright mind, but putting on such language like
sheeps' clothing, in their hearts they think with Arius, after
*supr. the manner of the devil 2 who is the author of all heresies.
P- 129 - F or he too made use of the words of Scripture, but was put
to silence by our Saviour. For if he had indeed meant them
as he used them, he would not have fallen from heaven; but
3 Cypr. now having fallen through his pride 3 , he artfully dissembles
tr'p a 24, m hi s speech, and oftentimes maliciously endeavours to
note a. i ea( j men astray by the subtleties and sophistries of the
Gentiles.
<vol. 8, 16. Had these expositions of theirs proceeded from the
not/m. orthodox 4 , from such as the great Confessor Hosius, and Maxi-
5 supr. minus 5 of Gaul, or his successor, or from such as Philogonius
r. 2. ' and Eustathius 6 , Bishops of the East 7 , or Julius and Liberius
6 at Ni- 0 f Rome, or Cyriacus of Mysia 8 , or Pistus and Aristaeus of
csBa as m
most of Greece, or Silvester and Protogenes of Dacia, or Leontius
others. an( * Eupsychius of Cappadocia, or Cecilian of Africa, or
7 i. e. of Eustorgius of Italy, or Capito of Sicily, or Macarius of
« of Pa- Jerusalem, or Alexander of Constantinople, or Pederos of
SSeont Heraclea, or those great Bishops Meletius, Basil, and Lon-
in Nest, gianus, and the rest from Armenia and Pontus, or Lupus and
[el!. 560 'Amphion from Cilicia, or James and the rest from Meso-
Can.] potamia, or our own blessed Alexander, with others of the
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for they do but serve as their cloak. 135
same sentiments as these; — there would then have beenTR.m.
8 9
nothing to suspect in their statements, for the minds of —
apostolical men are sincere and incapable of fraud. But §. 9.
when they proceed from those who are hired to advocate the
cause of heresy, and since, according to the divine proverb,
The words of the wicked are to lie in wait, and The mouth o/*Prov.
12 6
the wicked poureth out evil things, and The counsels of the \$ 28,
wicked are deceit: it becomes us to watch and be sober, 12 ' 6,
brethren, as the Lord has said, lest any deception arise from
subtlety of speech and craftiness; lest any one come and
pretend to say, * I preach Christ,' and after a little while he
be found to be Antichrist. These indeed are Antichrists,
whosoever come to you in the cause of the Arian fanaticism.
17. For what defect is there among you, that any one need
to come to you from without ? Or, of what do the Churches
of Egypt and Libya and Alexandria stand so much in need,
that these men should make a purchase 1 of the Episcopate as
of wood and goods, and intrude into Churches which do not§. 28."
belong to them ? Who is not aware, who does not perceive
clearly, that they do all this in order to support their impiety? §. 73,
Wherefore although they should make themselves mute, or 8upr '
although they should bind on their garments larger borders
than the Pharisees, and pour themselves forth in long
speeches, and practise the tones of their voice 8 , they ought
not to be believed; for it is not the mode of speaking, but Ep. 223,
the intentions of the heart and a godly conversation that 3,
recommend the faithful Christian. And thus the Sadducees
and Herodians, although they had the law in their mouths,
were put to rebuke by our Saviour, who said unto them, Ye Mat.22,
do err, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the pawer of God:
and all men witnessed the exposure of those who pretended jjjjjjj^*
to quote the words of the Law, as being in their minds heretics 14.
and enemies of God 3 . Others indeed they deceived by these f£ 94>
professions, but when our Lord became man they were not John8 >
able to deceive Him; for the Word was made flesh, who 28. '
knoweth the thoughts of men that they are vain. Thus He \**"'
exposed the evasions of the Jews, saying, If God were your Hipp.
Father, ye would love Me, for I proceeded forth from f/^jJolt.
Father, and am come to you*. In like manner these men 16. and
seem now to act ; for they disguise their real sentiments, and ^%s'
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136 They ought Jvrst to condemn Arius, if they are to be heard.
Lett, make use of the language of Scripture in their writings, which
T Ljb? tne y n °ld forth as a bait for the ignorant, that they may
inveigle them into their own wickedness.
§. 10. 18. Consider, whether this be not so. If, when there is no
reason for their doing so, they write confessions of faith,
it is a superfluous, and perhaps also a mischievous proceed-
ing, because, when no question is proposed for consideration,
they give occasion for controversy of words, and unsettle
the simple hearts of the brethren, disseminating among
them such notions as have never entered into their minds.
And if they profess to clear themselves in regard to the
Arian heresy, they ought first to remove the seeds of those
evils which have sprung up, and to proscribe those who
produced them, and then in the room of former statements
to set forth others which are sound ; or else let them openly
vindicate the opinions of Arius, that they may no longer covertly
»p. 132, but openly shew themselves enemies of Christ 1 , and that all
r * 4 " men may fly from them as from the sight of a serpent. But
now they keep back those opinions, and for a pretence write
on other matters ; just as if a surgeon, when summoned to
attend a person wounded and suffering, should upon coming
in to him say not a word concerning his wounds, but
proceed to discourse about his sound limbs. Such an one
would be chargeable with utter stupidity, for saying nothing
on the matter for which he came, but discoursing on those
other points in which he was not needed. Yet just in the
same manner these men omit those matters which concern
their heresy, and take upon themselves to write on other
subjects ; whereas, if they had any regard for the Faith, or
any love for Christ, they ought first to remove out of the
way those blasphemous expressions uttered against Him, and
then in the room of them to speak and to write sound words.
But this they neither do themselves, nor permit those that
desire to do so, whether it be from ignorance, or through
craft and artifice.
§.11. 1 9. If they do this from ignorance they must be charged with
rashness, because they affirm positively concerning things
that they know not ; but if they dissemble knowingly, their
condemnation is the greater, because while they overlook
nothing in consulting for their own interests, in writing about
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No profit to do right in one way, if tee do wrong in another. 187
faith in our Lord they make a mockery, and do any thing Tr.11I.
rather than speak the truth; they keep back those particulars — i^—
respecting which their heresy is accused, and merely bring
forward passages out of the Scriptures. Now this is a
manifest robbery of the truth, and a practice full of all
iniquity ; and so I am sure your piety will readily perceive
it to be from the following illustrations. No person being
accused of adultery defends himself as innocent of theft;
nor would any one in prosecuting a charge of murder suffer
the accused parties to defend themselves by saying, * We
have not committed perjury, but have preserved the deposit
which was entrusted to us.' This would be mere child's
play, instead of a refutation of the charge and a demonstra-
tion of the truth. For what has murder to do with a deposit,
or adultery with theft? The crimes are indeed related to
each other as proceeding from the same evil heart; yet in
respect to the refutation of an alleged offence, they have no
connection with each other.
20. Accordingly as it is written in the Book of Jesus the son Josh. 7,
of Nave, when Achan was charged with theft, he did not 20,&0 *
excuse himself with the plea of his zeal in the wars; but
being convicted of the offence was stoned by all the people.
And when Saul was charged with negligence and a breach of 1 Sam.
the law, he did not benefit his cause by alleging his conduct
on other matters. For a defence in one sort will not operate
to obtain an acquittal in another sort; but if all things
should be done according to law and justice, a man must
defend himself in those particulars wherein he is accused,
and must either disprove the past, or else confess it with the
promise that he will do so no more. But if he is guilty of
the crime, and will not confess, but in order to conceal the
truth speaks on other points instead of the one in question,
he shews plainly that he has acted amiss, nay, and is con-
scious of his delinquency. But what need of many words,
seeing that these persons are themselves the accusers of the
Ariau heresy? For since they have not the boldness to
speak out, but conceal their blasphemous expressions, it is
plain that they know that this heresy is separate and alien
from the truth. But since they conceal this and are afraid
to speak, it is necessary for me to strip off the veil from their
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138 Athanasius's apology for uttering Arian statements.
Lett, impiety, and to expose the heresy to public view, Knowing
T l/b? as * d° statements which the Arians formerly made, and
how they were cast out of the Church, and degraded from
* vol. 8, the Clergy. But here first 1 ask for pardon 1 of the foul
notec! wor ^ s to which I am about to give utterance, since I use
them, not because 1 thus think, but in order to convict the
heretics.
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CHAP. II.
1. Now the Bishop Alexander of blessed memory cast Arius §• 12.
out of the Church for holding and maintaining the following
sentiments 1 ; " God was not always a Father: The Son was 1 vo1 - 8 -
not always: But whereas all things were made out of 94,185.
nothing, the Son of God also was made out of nothing:
And since all things are creatures, He also is a creature and
a production*: And since all things once were not, but were 2
afterwards made, there was a time when the Word of God
Himself was not ; and He was not before He was begotten 3 , 3
but He had a beginning 4 of existence: For He was then^s,
begotten when God determined to produce 5 Him: For HeP-, 2 ^.
also is one among the rest of His works. And since He is 5
by nature changeable 6 > and only continues good because He J"** 5r-M
chooses by His own free will, He is capable of being changed, cfr, vid.
as are all other things, whenever he wishes. And therefore ™ ^36,
God, as foreknowing that He would be good, gave Him by note a.
anticipation that glory which He would have obtained
afterwards by His virtue ; and He is now become good by
His works which God foreknew." Accordingly they say,
that Christ is not truly God, but that He is called God on
account of His participation in God's nature, as are all
other creatures. And they add, that He is not that Word
which is by nature in the Father, and is proper to His
Substance, nor is He His proper wisdom by which He
made this world ; but that there is another Word 7 which is 'ibid.
properly 8 in the Father, and another Wisdom which isfjj^ 1 '
properly in the Father, by which Wisdom also He made
this Word ; and that the Lord Himself is called the Word
by a fiction 9 in regard of things endued with reason 10 , and is 9 w
called the Wisdom fictitiously in regard of things endued i*oJat.
with wisdom. Nay, they say that as all things are in sub-"- 38 -
Digitized by (
140
Avian statements.
Lbtt. stance separate and alien from the Father, so He also is in
T Lib1* " *H respects separate and alien from the substance of the
Father, and properly belongs to things made and created,
and is one of them ; for He is a creature, and a production,
and a work.
2. Again, they say that God did not create us for His sake,
but Him for our sakes. For they say, " God was alone, and
the Word was not with Him, but afterwards when He would
1 vol. 8. create us \ then He made Him ; and from the time He was
" made, He called Him the Word, and the Son, and the
Wisdom, in order that He might create us by Him. And as
all things subsisted by the will of God, and did not exist
before ; so He also was made by the will of God, and did
not exist before. For the Word is not the proper and
natural Offspring of the Father, but was Himself made by
grace: for God who existed before made by His will the
Son who did not exist, by which will also He made all
'yufcto things, and produced, and created, and willed them to beV
Moreover they say also, that Christ is not the natural and true
Joel 2, power of God ; but as the locust and the cankerworm are
3 ibid, called a power 3 , so also He is called the power of the Father.
p. 100. Furthermore he said, that the Father cannot be described by
the Son, and that the Son can neither see nor know the Father
* 1 96 # Perfectly and exactly 4 . For having a beginning of existence^
p * * He cannot know Him that is without beginning ; but what
He knows and sees, He knows and sees in a measure pro-
MWd.p.portionate to His capacity 6 , as we also know and see in
proportion to our powers. And he added also, that the Son
not only does not know His own Father exactly, but that
• Mm He does not even know His own nature 6 .
§. 13. 3. For maintaining these and the like opinions Arius was
declared a heretic ; for myself, while I have merely been
*P^ 138, writing them down, I have been cleansing myself 7 by think-
ing of the contrary doctrines, and by possessing my mind
with the idea of the true faith. For the Bishops who all
assembled from all parts at the Council of Nicaea, stopped
their ears when they heard these statements, and all with one
voice condemned this heresy on account of them, and ana-
thematized it, declaring it to be alien and estranged from the
faith of the Church. It was no necessity which led the
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Arguments from Scripture against Avian statements. 141
judges to this decision, but tbey all by free choice vindicated TrJII.
the truth': and they did so justly and rightly. For infidelity 13 '
is coming in through these men, or rather a Judaism beside
the Scriptures, which has close upon it Gentile superstition,
so that he who holds these opinions can no longer be called
a Christian, for they are all contrary to the Scriptures.
4. John, for instance, saith, In the beginning was the Word; John 1,
but these men say, " He was not, before He was begotten." ! "
And again he has written, And we are in Him that is true, 1 John
even in His Son Jesus Christ; this is the true God, and 5 ' 20 '
eternal life; but these men, as if in contradiction to this,
allege that Christ is not the true God, but that He is only
called God, as are other creatures, in regard of His parti-
cipation in the divine nature. And the Apostle blames the
Gen tiles, because they worship creatures, saying, They served Jj*»- 1>
the creature more than God the Creator 1 . But if these men i ro pr .
say that the Lord is a creature, and worship Him as a crea-
ture, how do they differ from the Gentiles ? If they hold this p. 191,
opinion, is not this passage also against them; and does not Doted *
the blessed Paul write as blaming them? The Lord also
says, / and My Father are One: and He that hath seen Me, Jobnio,
hath seen the Father*; and the Apostle who was sent by Him > ibid.' *
to preach, writes, Who being the Brightness of His ff^ory^^f
and the express Image of His Person. But these men dareHebfi,
to separate them, and to say that He is alien from the 3 *
substance and eternity of the Father; and impiously to
represent Him as changeable, not perceiving, that by speak-
ing thus, they make Him to be, not one with the Father, but
one with created things. Who does not see, that the bright-
ness cannot be separated from the light 8 , but that it is by 3 ibid,
nature proper to it, and co-existent with it, and is not p * 48.
» "Know," Fays St. A than, to Jovian.
" that these things have been preached
from the beginning, and this Creed the
Fathers who assembled at Nicca con-
fessed, and to these have been awarded
the suffrages of all the Churches every
where in their respective places
And thou knowest that, should there
lie some few who are in opposition to this
faith, they cannot create any prejudice
against it, the whole world maintaining
the Apostolical Creed. 1 ' Athan. Ep. ad
Jov. §.2. " Whether it be persecutions
or afflictions or threats from our sove-
reign, or cruelties from persons in office,
....we endured it on behalf of the
Apostolical faith, &c." Theod. Hist,
v. 9. vid. Keble on Primitive Trad,
p. 122. 10. " Let each boldly set down
his faith in writing, having the fear of
God before his eyes." Cone. Chalced.
Sess.l.Hard.t.2.p.273."Givediligence
without fear, favour, or dislike, to set
out the faith in its purity. 1 ' ibid. p. 286.
Digitized by
142 Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements.
Lett, produced after it ? Again, when the Father says, This is
T LrB? My beloved Son, and when the Scriptures say that He is the
Mat.i7, Word of the Father, by whom the heavens were established,
p g 33 6> and in short, All things were made by Him; these inventors
John l, of new doctrines and fables represent that there is another
Word, and another Wisdom of the Father, and that He is
only called the Word and the Wisdom by a fiction in regard
of things endued with reason, while they perceive not the
1 p. 139. absurdity of this 1 .
§.14. 5. But if He be styled the Word and the Wisdom by a
8 vol. 8. fiction on our account, what He really is they cannot tell*,
note u. F° r if tne Scriptures affirm that the Lord is both these, and
yet these men will not allow Him to be so, it is plain that in
their impious opposition to the Scriptures they would deny
His existence altogether. The faithful are able to conclude
this truth both from the voice of the Father Himself, and
from the Angels that worshipped Him, and from the Saints
that have written concerning Him; but these men, as they
have not a pure mind, and cannot bear to hear the words of
holy men who teach of God, may be able to learn something
even from the devils who resemble them, for they spoke of
Him, not as if there were many beside, but, as knowing Him
Mark l, alone, they said, Thou art the Holy One of God, and the
Mat. 8, Son of God. He also who suggested to them this heresy 3 ,
29. while tempting Him in the mount, said not, ' If thou also be
p. 129, a Son of God,' as though there were others beside Him, but,
Luke 4 Th° u be the Son of God, as being the only one. But as
3. ' the Gentiles, having renounced the notion of one God, have
sunk into polytheism, so these wonderful men, not believing
that the Word of the Father is one, have come to adopt the
idea of many words, and they deny Him that is really God
and the true Word, and have dared to conceive of Him as a
creature, not perceiving how full of impiety is such an
opinion. For if He be a creature, how is He at the same
time the Creator of creatures? or how the Son and the
Wisdom and the Word? For the Word is not created,
but begotten ; and a creature is not a Son, but a production.
And if all creatures were made by Him, and He is also a
creature, then by whom was He made ? Productions must
of necessity proceed from some one ; as in fact they pro-
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Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements. 143
ceeded from the Word; because He was not Himself aTn.Hi.
production, but the Word of the Father. And again, if 14 ' 15 '
the Wisdom in the Father be beside the Lord, then there
is a Wisdom in a Wisdom : and if the Word of God be the
Wisdom of God, then there is a Word in a Word : and if
the Word of God be the Son of God, then there is a Son
produced in the Son.
6. How is it that the Lord has said, 1 am in the Father, §. 15.
and the Father in Me, if there be another in the Father, by Johni4,
whom the Lord Himself also was made ? And how is it that 10 *
John, passing over that other, relates of this One, saying, All John l,
things were made by Him ; and without Him was not any 3 *
thing made 1 ? If all things that were made by the will of 1 vol. 8.
God were made by Him, how can He be Himself one of the notes!
things that were made ? And when the Apostle says, For Heb. 2,
whom are all things, and by whom are all things, how can I0 '
these men say, that we were not made for Him, but He for
us ? If it be so, He ought to have said, " For whom the
Word was made;" but He saith not so, but, For whom are
all things, and by whom are all things, thus proving these
men to be heretical and false.
7. But further, as they have had the boldness to say that
there is another Word in God, and since they cannot bring
any clear proof of this from the Scriptures, let them but shew
one work of His, or one work of the Father that was made
without this Word; so that they may seem to have some
ground at least for this their imagination*. The works of the*lr/W#
true Word are manifest to all, and according to the evidence
they afford is He known by them. For as, when we see the
creation, we conceive of God as the Creator of it; so when we
see that nothing is without order therein, but that all things
move and continue with order and design, we have an idea
of a Word of God who is over all and governs all. This too
the holy Scriptures testify, declaring that He is the Word of
God, and that all things were made by Him, and without John l,
Him was not any thing made. But of that other Word, of 3 *
whom they speak, there is neither word nor work that they
have to shew. Nay, even the Father Himself, when He says,
This is My beloved Son, signifies that besides Him there is Mat.i7,
none other.
Digitized by
144 Avians parallel to the Manichees.
Lett. 8. It appears then that so far as these doctrines are con-
T LrB? cerned, these wonderful men have now joined themselves to
§. 16. ^ e Manichees. For these also confess the existence of a
good God, so far as the mere name goes, but they are unable
to point out any of His works either visible or invisible.
But inasmuch as they deny Him who is truly and indeed
God, the Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things
invisible, they are mere inventors of fables. And this appears
to me to be the case with these evil-minded men. They see
the works of the true Word who alone is in the Father, and
Md.paa-yet they deny Him, and make to themselves another Word 1 ,
OratH. wnose existence they are unable to prove either by His
39 fin. works or by the testimony of others. Unless it be that they
have adopted a fabulous notion of God, that He is a com-
pound being like man, speaking and then changing His
words, and as a man exercising understanding and wisdom ;
*iA#y/«»iiot perceiving to what absurdities* they are reduced by such
3 vol. 8. an opinion. For if God has a succession of words 5 , they
note 6 g. certainly must consider Him as a man. And if those words
proceed from Him and then vanish away, they are guilty of
a greater impiety, because they resolve into nothing what
proceeds from the self-existent God. If they conceive
that God doth at all beget, it were surely better and more
religious to say that He is the Father of One Word, who is
the fulness of His Godhead, in whom are hidden the trea-
sures of all knowledge, and that He is co-existent with His
Father, and that all things were made by Him ; rather than
to suppose God to be the Father of many words which are
no where to be found, or to represent Him who is simple in
« ibid. His nature as compounded of many 4 , and as being subject to
n 0te y. human passions 5 and variable.
r rllSS ^" ^ ext ' wnereas ^ e Apostle says, Christ the power of God
ibid, p.' and the tcudom of God, these men reckon Him but as one
l Cor l" amon 8 man y powers ; nay, worse than this, they compare
84. " ' Him, transgressors as they are, with the cankerworm and other
irrational creatures which are sent by Him for the punish-
Mat.li, ment of men. Next, whereas the Lord says, No one knoweth
Jobn 6, the Father, save the Son ; and again, Not that any man
46 ' hath seen the Father, save He which is of the Father; are
i35 P r 3. not * ese m< *eed enemies of God 6 which say that the Father
Digitized by Google
Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements. 145
is neither seen nor known of the Son perfectly? If the Lord Tr.III.
says, As the Father knoweth Me, even so know I the Father, j^j^
and if the Father knoweth not the Son partially, are they 15. '
not mad to pretend that the Son knoweth the Father only
partially, and not fully ? Next, if the Son has a beginning
of existence, and all things likewise have a beginning, let
them say, which is prior to the other. But indeed they have
nothing to say, neither can they with all their craft prove
such a beginning of the Word. For He is the true and
proper Offspring of the Father, and in the beginning was John J,
the Wordy and the Word was with God, and the Word was l '
God. With regard to their assertion, that the Son knows not
His own nature 1 , it is superfluous to reply to it, except only 1
so far as to condemn their madness; for how does not the
Son know Himself, when He imparts to all men the know-
ledge of His Father and of Himself, and blames those who
know Them not ?
10. But it is written*, say they, Jlte Lord created Me in §. 17.
the beginning of His ways for His works. O untaught ig™^ 1 /
and insensate that ye are ! He is called also in the Scrip- Prov.8,
tures, servant, and son of a handmaid, and lamb, andp s '. n6,
sheep, and it is said that He suffered toil, and thirst, and 16 &0 '
was beaten, and endured pain. But there is plainly a
reasonable ground and cause 5 , why such representations as 3 vol. 8.
these are given of Him in the Scriptures ; and it is because p * 22 '
He became man and the Son of man, and took upon Him
the form of a servant, which is the human flesh: for the John 1,
Word, says John, was made flesh. And since He became
man, no one ought to be offended at such expressions ; for
it is proper to man to be created, and bora, and formed, to
suffer toil and pain, to die and to rise again from the dead.
And as, being the Word and Wisdom of the Father, He
has all the attributes of the Father, His eternity, and His
unchangeableness, and is like Him in all respects and in all V5 8 "
things 4 , and is neither before nor after, but co-existent with the note e.
Father, and is the very form 5 of the Godhead, and is the- b '^
Creator, and is not created: (for since He is in substance P-
note e.
like 6 the Father, He cannot be a creature, but must be the6 ibid .
Creator, as Himself hath said, My Father worketh hither to,^^
and I work:) so being made man, and bearing our flesh, John 5,
L 17 '
Digitized by
Gi
146 If the Avians felt they were right, they would apeak openly,
Lett. He is necessarily said to be created and made, and to
T Lib? nave &l ^ e attributes of the flesh ; howsoever these men,
MDrat. like Jewish vintners, who mix their wine with water 1 , debase
Hi. §-35. th e Word, and subject His Godhead to their notions of
also vol. ; J
8. p. 17. created things.
11. Wherefore the Fathers were with reason and justice
indignant, and anathematized this most impious heresy ;
which these persons are now cautious of and keep back, as
being easy to be disproved and unsound* in every part of it.
These that I have set down are but a few of the arguments
which go to condemn their doctrines; but if any one desires to
enter more at large into the proof against them, he will find
that this heresy is not far removed from the Gentile super-
stitions, and that it is the lowest and the very dregs of all the
other heresies. These last are in error either concerning
the body or the incarnation of the Lord, falsifying the truth,
some in one way and some in another, or else they deny
that the Lord has come at all, as the Jews erroneously
suppose. But this alone more madly than the rest has
dared to assail the very Godhead, and to assert that the
3 vol. 8, Word is not at all 3 , and that the Father was not always a
notef. father; so that one might reasonably say that that Psalm
Ps.53,1. was written against them ; The fool hath said in his heart,
* ib i84 There is no God 4 . Corrupt are they, and become abominable
note k! in their doings.
§.18. 12. "But," say they, " we are strong, and are able to de-
fend our heresy by our many devices." They would have
a better answer to give, if they were able to defend it, not
by artifice nor by Gentile sophisms, but by the simplicity
of the faith. If however they have confidence in it, and
know it to be in accordance with the doctrines of the
Church, let them openly express their sentiments; for no
Mat 6, man when he hath lighted a candle putteth it under a
5 vol. 8. bushel 5 , but on a candlestick, and so it gives light to all that
P*] 93 > come in. If therefore they are able to defend it, let them
record in writing the opinions above imputed to them, and
expose their heresy bare to the view of all men, as they
would a candle, and let them openly accuse the Bishop
Alexander, of blessed memory, as having unjustly ejected*
note a! Arius for professing these opinions ; and let them blame the
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but they follow the pattern of Arius. 147
Council of Nicaea for putting forth a written confession of Tr.III.
the true faith in opposition to their impiety. But they will 18> 19 '
not do this, I am sure, for they are not so ignorant of the
evil nature of those notions which they have invented and
are ambitious of spreading abroad; but they know well
enough, that although they may at first lead astray the
simple by vain deceit, yet their imaginations will soon be
extinguished, as the light of the ungodly 1 , and themselves Job 18,
branded every where as enemies of the Truth. f' vol 8
13. Therefore although they do all things foolishly, andp- l93 «
speak as fools, yet in this at least they have acted wisely, as
children of this world, hiding their candle under a bushel, Lukei6,
that it may be supposed to give light, and lest, if it appear, it 8,
be condemned and extinguished. Thus when Arius himself,
the author of the heresy, and the associate of Eusebius, was
summoned through the interest of the Eusebians to appear
before Congtantine Augustus of blessed memory*, and was*™L
required to present a written declaration of his faith, the ^ a pf
wily man wrote one, but kept out of sight the peculiars-
expressions of his impiety, and pretended, as the Devil did,
to quote the simple words of Scripture, just as they are
written. And when the blessed Constantine said to him,
" If thou holdest no other opinions in thy mind besides
these, take the Truth to witness for thee; the Lord will
repay thee if thou swear falsely the wretched man swore
that he held no other, and that he had never either spoken
or thought otherwise than as he had now written. But as
soon as he went out he dropped down, as if paying the
penalty of his crime, and falling headlong burst asunder in Acts l,
the midst. 18#
14. Death, it is true, is the common end of all men, and we §. 19.
ought not to insult the dead, though be be an enemy, for it
is uncertain whether the same event may not happen to
ourselves before evening. But the end of Arius was not
after an ordinary manner, and therefore it deserves to be
related. The Eusebians threatening to bring him into the
Church, Alexander the Bishop of Constantinople resisted
them; but Arius trusted to the violence and menaces of
Eusebius. It was the Sabbath, and he expected to join
communion 3 on the following day. There was therefore a 3 "^-
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148 The death of Arius has not been a warning to them.
Lett, great struggle between them ; the Eusebians threatening,
T Lib? Alexander praying. But the Lord, being judge of the case,
decided against the unjust party ; for the sun had not set,
when the necessities of nature compelled him to that place,
where he fell down, and was forthwith deprived of com-
munion with' the Church and of his life together. The
1 /*«««- blessed 1 Constantine hearing of this soon after, was struck
* tTns with wonder to find him thus convicted of perjury. And
indeed it was then evident to all that the threats of the
Eusebians had proved of no avail, and the hope of Arius
had become vain. It was shewn too that the Arian fanaticism
2 was rejected from communion* by our Saviour both here and
* nr " in the Church of the first-born in heaven.
15. Now who will not wonder to see the unrighteous ambition
of these men, w r hom the Lord has condemned ; — to see them
vindicating the heresy which the Lord has pronounced
excommunicate, (since He did not suffer its author to enter
into the Church,) and not fearing that which is written, but
Is. 14, attempting impossible things? For the Lord of hosts hath
purposed, and who shall disannul it? and whom the Lord
hath condemned, who shall justify ? Let them however in
defence of their own imaginations write what they please ;
Is. 52, but do you, brethren, as bearing the vessels of the Lord,
and vindicating the doctrines of the Church, examine this
matter, I beseech you ; and if they write in other terms than
those above recorded as the language of Arius, then con-
demn them as hypocrites, who hide the poison of their
opinions, and like the serpent flatter with the words of their
lips. For, though they thus write, they have associated with
^iM^'them those who were formerly rejected 3 with Arius. Such as
*supr. Secundus 4 of Pentapolis, and the Clergy who were convicted
P^ 14 g at Alexandria ; and they write to them in Alexandria. But,
p. 88. what is most astonishing, they have caused us and our
friends to be persecuted, although the most religious Emperor
Constantine sent us back in peace to our country and
Church, and shewed his concern for the harmony of the
people. But now they have caused the Churches to be
given up to these men, thus proving to all that for the sake
of the Arians the whole conspiracy against us and the rest
has been carried on from the beginning.
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While they are his friends, in vain their moderate words. 149
16. Now while such is their conduct, how can they claim Tr.HI.
credit for what they write ? Had the opinions they have * ' 20 -
put in writing been orthodox, they would have expunged*'
from their list of books the Thalia of Arius, and have
rejected the scions of the heresy, viz. those disciples of Arius,
and the partners of his impiety and his punishment. But
since they have not renounced these 1 , it is manifest to all 1 vol. 8.
that their sentiments are not orthodox, though they write note b.
them over ten thousand times*. Wherefore it becomes us to 2 ibid. p.
watch, lest some deception be conveyed under the clothing p ' 81^°*
of their phrases, and they lead away certain from the true note fc -
faith. And if they venture to advance the opinions of Arius,
when they see themselves proceeding in a prosperous course,
nothing remains for us but to use great boldness of speech,
remembering the predictions of the Apostle, which he wrote
to forewarn us of such like heresies, and which it becomes
us to repeat.
17. For we know that, as it is written, in the latter times iTim.4,
some shall depart from the sound faith*, giving heed tol\ hld p
seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils, that turn from the}$},^3.
truth; and, as many as will live godly in Christ shall suffer 14.' '
persecution. But evil men and seducers shall wax worse^J im - 3 f
and worse, deceiving and being deceived. But none of these
things shall prevail over us, nor separate us from the love of 'R om . g,
Christ, though the heretics threaten us with death. For 35 -
we are Christians, not Arians 4 ; would that they too, who 4 i^a.
have written these things, had not embraced the doctrines of J^* 8 ** >
Arius ! Yea, brethren, there is need now of such boldness of p. 194
speech; for we have not received the spirit of bondage^ D ' l5
again to fear, but God hath called us to liberty. And it Gal. 5,
were indeed disgraceful to us, most disgraceful, were we, on 13 '
account of Arius or of those who embrace and advocate his
sentiments, to lose the faith which we have received from
our Saviour through His Apostles. Already very many in
these parts, perceiving the craftiness of these writers, are
ready even unto blood to oppose their wiles, especially since
they have heard of your firmness. And seeing that the
refutation of the heresy hath gone forth from you 5 , and it has 5 v jd.
been drawn forth from its concealment, like a serpent from ,nf J* ,
p. 151,
note a.
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150 To make a stand for the Faith equivalent to martyrdom.
Lett, his hole, the Child that Herod sought to destroy is preserved
T Lib? among you, and the Truth lives in you, and the Faith thrives
among you.
§. 21. 18. Wherefore I exhort you, having always in your hands
the confession which was framed by the Fathers at Nicaea,
and defending it with great zeal and confidence in the Lord,
be ensamples to the brethren every where, and shew them
that a struggle is now before us in support of the Truth
against heresy, and that the wiles of the enemy are various.
»vid. For a martyr's token lies 1 , not only in refusing to burn
TheTin incense to idols; but to refuse to deny the Faith is also an
voo « ... illustrious testimony* of a good conscience. And not only
, ' those who turned aside unto idols were condemned as aliens,
but those also who betrayed the Truth. Thus Judas was
degraded from the Apostolical office, not because he sacri-
ficed to idols, but because he was a traitor ; and Hymenaeus
and Alexander fell away not by betaking themselves to the
iTim.i, service of idols, but because they made shipwreck concerning
the faith. On the other hand, the Patriarch Abraham re-
ceived the crown, not because he suffered death, but because
he was faithful unto God ; and the other Saints, of whom
Paul speaks, Gedeon, Barak, Samson, Jephtha, David, and
Samuel, and the rest, were not made perfect by the shedding
of their blood, but by faith they were justified ; and to this
day they are the objects of our admiration, as being ready
even to suffer death for piety towards the Lord.
19. And if one may add an instance from our own times, ye
know how the blessed Alexander contended even unto death
against this heresy, and what great afflictions and labours, old
man as he was, he sustained, until in extreme age he also was
gathered to his fathers. And how many beside have undergone
great toil, in their teachings against this impiety, and now enjoy
in Christ the glorious reward of their confession ! Where-
fore, let us also, considering that this struggle is for our all,
and that the choice is now before us, either to deny or to
preserve the faith, let us also make it our earnest care and
aim to guard what we have received, taking as our in-
struction the Confession framed at Nicaea, and let us turn
away from novelties, and teach our people not to give heed
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Coalition, of sordid Meletians with fanatic Avians. 151
to seducing spirits 1 , but altogether to withdraw from theTR.lII.
impiety of the Arian fanatics, and from the coalition which
the Meletians have made with them. l. " '
20. For you perceive how, though they were formerly at* 8 °Pg
variance with one another, they have now, like Herod and §. 22.
Pontius, agreed together in order to blaspheme our Lord
Jesus Christ. And for this they truly deserve the hatred of
every man, because they were at enmity with one another on
private grounds, but have now become friends and join
hands, in their hostility to the Truth and their impiety
towards God. Nay, they are content to do or suffer any
thing, however contrary to their principles, for the satis-
faction of securing their several objects; the Meletians for
the sake of preeminence and the mad 2 love of money, and 9
the Arian fanatics for their own impiety. And thus by this
coalition they are able to assist one another in their malicious
designs, while the Meletians pretend to the impiety of the
Arians, and the Arians from their own wickedness concur
in their baseness, so that by thus mingling together their
respective crimes, like the cup of Babylon, they may carry
on their plots against the orthodox worshippers of our Lord
Jesus Christ. The wickedness and falsehood of the Me-
letians were indeed even before this evident unto all men; so
too the impiety and godless heresy of the Arians have long
been known every where and to all ; for the period of their
existence has not been a short one. The former became
schismatics five and fifty years ago, and it is thirty-six years
since the latter were pronounced heretics*, and they were
rejected from the Church by the judgment of the whole
Ecumenic Council. But by their present proceedings they
have proved at length, even to those who seem openly to
favour them, that they have carried on their designs against
me and the rest of the orthodox Bishops from the very first
solely for the sake of advancing their own impious heresy.
For observe, that which was long ago the great object of
* This kwtittyf or declaration is that an additional reason for assigning
ascribed to S.Alexander,(asMontfaucon this Letter to the year 366, is its re-
would explain it, supr. p. 126.) supr. p. semblance in parts to the Orations
43. p. 146, r. 6. p. 148, r. 3. p. 149, r. 6. which were written not long after,
vid/also p. 160. It should be observed
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152 Meletians assail Athanasius, as his predecessors.
Lett, the Eusebians is now brought about. They have caused
T Lib° tne Churches to be snatched out of our hands, they have
banished, as they pleased, the Bishops and Presbyters who
refused to communicate with them ; and the laity who
withdrew from them they have excluded from the Churches,
which they have given up into the hands of the Arians who
were condemned so long ago, so that with the assistance of
the hypocrisy of the Meletians they can without fear pour
forth in them their impious language, and make ready, as
» vol. 8. they think, the way of deceit for Antichrist *, who sowed
note q. among them the seeds 2 of this heresy.
Vnoteic' ^et tnem nowever dream and imagine vain things. We
23. know that when our gracious Emperor shall hear of it, he
will put a stop to their wickedness, and they will not
Prov. continue long, but according to the words of Scripture, the
Sept. hearts of the impious shall quickly fail them. But let us,
i7 K 9 DgS as 1S written, put on the words of holy Scripture, and
Sept. resist them as apostates who would set up fanaticism 5 in the
M * 9tm9 house of the Lord. And let us not fear the death of the
body, nor let us emulate their ways ; but let the word
of Truth be preferred before all things. I also, as you
4 supr. all know, was formerly required 4 by the Eusebians either
p * ' to make pretence of their impiety, or to expect their
hostility; but I would not engage myself with them, but
chose rather to be persecuted by them, than to imitate
the conduct of Judas. And assuredly they have done what
they threatened ; for after the manner of Jezebel, they en-
gaged the treacherous Meletians to assist them, knowing how
'/««««• the latter resisted the blessed 5 martyr Peter, and after him
f'^^/.the great Achillas, and then Alexander, of blessed memory 6 ,
w,fofr-in order that, as being practised in such matters, the
4. ' Meletians might pretend against me also whatever might be
suggested to them, while the Eusebians gave them an
opening for persecuting and for seeking to kill me. For
this is what they thirst after ; and they continue to this day
to desire to shed my blood..
21. But of these things I have no care; for I know and am
persuaded that they who endure shall receive a reward from
our Saviour ; and that ye also, if ye endure as the Fathers
did, and shew yourselves examples to the people, and
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Conclusion.
153
overthrow these strange and alien devices of impious men, Tr.III.
shall be able to glory, and say, " We have kept the Faith ? \^^ A
and ye shall receive the crown of life, which God hath 7.
promised to them that love Him. And God. grant that I
also together with you may inherit the promises, which
were given, not to Paul only, but also to all them that have
loved the appearing of our Lord, and Saviour, and God, and
universal King, Jesus Christ ; through whom to the Father
be glory and dominion in the Holy Spirit, both now and for
ever, world without end. Amen.
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IV.
APOLOGY
OF OUR HOLY
FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA.
ADDRESSED TO THE EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS.
[This Apology, which was written with a view to delivery in the Emperor's
presence, (vid. " stretching out my hand," §. 3. " I have obtained a
hearing," §. 6. also §. 8 init. "I see you smile," §. 16. also §. 22 fin.
$. 27 init.) is the most finished work of its Author. It professes to answer
the new charges with which Athanasius was assailed after his return from
exile upon the Council of Sardica, i. e. between 349, when he was recalled,
and 356, which is the date of its composition. These charges were,
1 . that he had influenced the Emperor Constans to act against his brother
Constantius ; 2. that he had been a zealous supporter of Magnentius, who
had killed the former ; 3. that he had used a new Church for worship
without the Emperor's leave ; and 4. that he had refused to leave Alex-
andria, which he had been forced to do since, and to present himself at
Court, which he was meditating when he wrote this Apology. Towards
the end of it, he hears news of his own proscription, which changes his
intention, and also his feelings towards Constantius, though he preserves
his respectful tone in speaking of him to the conclusion.]
1. Knowing that you have been a Christian for many years',
most religious Augustus, and that you are godly by descent,
I cheerfully undertake to answer for myself at this time; — for
* Constantius, though here called a war ; and recommending all to go thence
Christian, was not baptized till bis last who could not make up their mind to
illness, A.D. 361, and then by the Arian the Sacrament. Hist. iii. 1. Constan-
Bishop of Antioch, Euzoius. At this tius, his grandfather, had rejected idol-
time he was 39 years of age. Theodoret atry and acknowledged the One God,
represents him making a speech to his according to Eusebius, V. Const i. 14.
whole army on one occasion, exhorting though it does not appear that he had
them to baptism previously to going to embraced Christianity.
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First of the four charges against Athanasius, 155
I will use the language of the blessed Paul, and make himTn.IV.
my advocate before you, considering that he was a preacher —
of the truth, and that you are an attentive hearer of his
words.
2. With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have
been made the ground of a conspiracy against me, it is suffi-
cient to refer your Piety to the testimony of the many Bishops
who have written in my behalf 1 ; enough too is the recantation 1 rcpr.
of Ursacius and Valens 8 , to prove to all men, that none of f * p pf * 14)
the charges which they set up against me had any truth in 86 «
them. For what evidence can others produce so strong, as
what they declared in writing? " We lied, we invented these
things; all the accusations against Athanasius are full of
falsehood 5 ." To this clear proof may be added, if you will 3 not
vouchsafe to hear it, this circumstance, that the accusers counc. n
brought no evidence against Macarius the presbyter whUe Milan,
we were present ; but in our absence *, when they were by Montf.
themselves, they managed the matter as they pleased. Now,* ^ p ^ 1>
the Divine Law first of all, and next our own Laws 5 , 5 Const,
have expressly declared, that such proceedings are of no^^ 1 '"*
force whatsoever. From these things the piety of your Ma- Montf.
jesty, as a lover of God and of the truth, will, I am sureV«n«#
perceive that we are free from all suspicion, and will pro- qu '
nounce our opponents to be false accusers.
3. But as to the slanderous charge which has been pre- §. 2.
ferred against me before your Grace, respecting correspond-
ence with the most pious Augustus, your brother Constans b ,
of blessed and everlasting memory, (for my enemies report this
of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing,) the result of
their former 7 accusation is sufficient to prove this also to be* yid.
untrue. Had it been alleged by another set of persons, the ^jjjjj
matter would indeed have been a fit subject of enquiry, but Arian.
it would have required strong evidence, and open proof in*" 18 *'
presence of both parties: but when the same persons who
k Constans had so zealously taken ceasing to exasperate Constans to
the part of S. Athanasius, as to threaten quarrel with me, had not I with superior
his brother Constantius with war, if he meekness sustained the attack both of
did not restore him to his see. vid. the exasperator and the exasperated."
Lucifer. Op. p. 91. (ed. Ven. 1778.) Theod. Hist. ii. 13. And he says, infra,
This led to the Council of Sardica. Hist Arian. §. 50. that he only per-
Constantius complains of A than, in his mitted Athan.'s return for the sake of
conference with Liberius, as "not peace.
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156 that he had exasperated Constans against Constantius,
Apol. invented the former charge, are the authors also of this, is it
Const. not reasonable to conclude from the issue of the one, the
falsehood of the other? For this cause they again conferred
together in private, thinking to be able to deceive your Piety
before I was aware. But in this they failed : you would not
listen to them as they desired, but patiently gave me an
opportunity to make my defence. And, in that you were
not immediately moved to demand vengeance, you acted only
as was righteous in a Prince, whose duty it is to wait for the
defence of the injured party. Which if you will vouchsafe
to hear, I am confident that in this matter also, you will con-
1 vid. demn those reckless men, who have no fear of that God, who
Ecclus. nag comman( j e( j us no i fa S peak falsely before the king l .
§. 3. 4. But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend
myself against charges such as these, which I do not suppose
that even the accuser himself would venture to make mention
of in my presence. For he knows full well that he speaks
untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft of my senses,
as even to be open to suspicion of having conceived any such
thing. So that had I been questioned by any other on this
subject, T would not have answered, lest, while I was making
my defence, my hearers should for a time have suspended
their judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer
with a loud and clear voice, and stretching forth my hand, as
2 Cor. 1,1 have learned from the Apostle, / call God for a record
33 upon my soul, and as it is written in the book of Kings, (let
l Sam. me be allowed to say the same,) The Lord is witness, and
12, fi. A no i n f e( i i s witness, I have never spoken evil of your
Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious Au-
gustus of blessed memory. I have never exasperated him
against you, as these falsely accuse me. But whenever in
my interviews with him he has mentioned your Grace, (and
* Hist, he did mention you at the time that Thalassus* came to Pity-
22? vid. bkm> and I was staying at Aquileia,) the Lord is witness,
™P r vP« how I spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God
' " would reveal unto your soul, that you might condemn the
falsehood of these my calumniators.
5. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant
me your indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most
Christian brother was not a man of so light a temper, nor was
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whereas he never had had any private interview with him, 157
I a person of such a character, that we should communicate Tr. IV.
together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a — — —
brother to a brother, or speak evil of a king before a king. I
am not so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that divine sen-
tence which says, Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought; Eccles.
and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber: for a bird of the 9
air shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall
tell the matter. If then those things, which are spoken in
secret against you that are kings, are not hidden, is it not in-
credible that I should have spoken against you in the presence
of a king, and of so many bystanders? For I never saw your
brother by myself, nor did he ever converse with me in private,
but I was always introduced in company with the Bishop of
the city, where I happened to be, and with others that
chanced to be there. We entered the presence together, and
together we retired. Fortunatian 6 , Bishop of Aquileia, can
testify this, the father Hosius is able to say the same, as also
are Crispinus Bishop of Padua, Lucillus of Verona, Diony-
sius of Leis, and Vincentius of Campania. And although
Maximinus of Treves, and Protasius of Milan, are dead, yet
Eugenius who was Master of the Palace d can bear witness for
me; for he stood before the veil', and heard what we re-
quested of the Emperor, and what he vouchsafed to reply
to us.
e AH these names of Bishops occur tween the Prince and his subjects was
among the subscriptions at Sardica. managed by the four scrinia, or offices
supr. pp. 76 — 78. Fortunatian was of this minister of state. .. .The whole
raised to the see of Aquileia about 344, business was despatched by 148 secre-
signed the condemnation of Athanasius taries, chosen for the most part from
at the Council of Milan in 365, the year the profession of the law.... But the
before this Apology was written, and in department of foreign affairs, which
357 was the Eusebian tempter in the fall constitutes so essential a part of modern
of Liberius. Lucillus, Maximinus, and policy, seldom diverted the attention
Protasius, are in the list of Saints. Maxi- of the master of the offices; his mind
minus will be mentioned just below, was more seriously engaged by the
note g. Vincent, who had been the Pope's general direction of ihe pests and
legate at Nicsea, lapsed at Aries so far arsenals of the Empire." Gibbon, ch.
as to give up S. Athanasius, but reco- 17. m
vered himself by refusing to acknow- • «•{ # r»u (tfk$v. The Veil, which in
ledge the proceedings at Ariminum. the first instance was an appendage to
Leis is Lauda, or Laus Pompeia, hodie the images of pagan deities, formed at
Lodi ; Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. 4. p. 656. this time a part of the ceremonial of the
d Or, master of the offices ; one of imperial Court. It hung over the en-
the seven Ministers of the Court under trance of the Eropeior's bedchamber,
the Empire; " He inspected the disci- where he gave his audiences. It also
pliae of the civil and military schools, hung before the secretarium of the
and received appeals from all parts of Judges, vid. Hofman in voc. Gotho-
the Empire.. . .The correspondence be- fred in Cod. Theod i. tit vii. 1.
158 and could not have had, as his wanderings would shew,
Apol. 6. This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me never-
Const. theless to lay before you an account of my travels, which
will further lead you to condemn the unfounded calumnies
§. 4. of my opponents. When I left Alexandria, I did not go to
WcfW-your brother's Court 1 , or to any other persons, but only to
™l' 9 ' Rome*; and having laid my case before the Church, (for
p. loo, t n i s was mv on iy concern,) I spent my time in the public
8 p. 49, worship 5 . I did not write to your brother, except when the
f"^. Eusebians had written to him to accuse me, and I was
compelled while yet at Alexandria to defend myself; and
again when I sent to him volumes f containing the holy
Scriptures, which he had ordered me to prepare for him.
It behoves me, while I defend my conduct, to tell the truth
to your Piety. When however three years had passed away,
*A.D. he wrote to me in the fourth year 4 , commanding me to
346, meet him, (he was then at Milan ;) and upon enquiring the
cause, (for I was ignorant of it, the Lord is my witness,) I
learnt that certain Bishops * had gone up and requested him
to write to your Piety, desiring that a Council might be
called. Believe me, Sire, this is the truth of the matter ; I
lie not. Accordingly I went to Milan, and met with great
kindness from him ; for he condescended to see me, and to
say that he had despatched letters to you, requesting that a
Council might be called. And while I remained in that
city, he sent for me again into Gaul ; (for the father Hosius
was going thither,) that we might travel from thence to
Sardica. And after the Council, he wrote to me while I
continued at Naissus", and I went up, and abode afterwards
f *v*net, a bound book, vid. Montf. S Tillemont supposes that Constans
Coll. Nov. infr. S. Jerome speaks of was present at the Council of Milan,
Hilarion's transcribing a Gospel. Tit. at which Eudoxius, Martyrius, and
Hilar. 35. and himself the Psalter, (inter- Macedonius, sent to the West with the
pretationemPsalmorum,)adFlorent.Ep. Eusebian Creed, (vid. Libr. F. vol. 8.
v. 2. and St. Eusebius of Vercell® made p. 111.) made their appearance to no
a copy of the Gospels, which was extant, purpose. The Bishops principally con-
as it appears, in the last century, vid. cerned in persuading Constans seem to
Lami Enid. Apost. p. 678. Mabillon, have been Pope Julius, Hosius, and
I tin. Ital. t. i. p. 9. Montfauc. Diar. Ital. Maximinus of Treves. Hil. Fragm. 2.
xxviii. p. 445. Tillemont, ft 8. p. 86.) p. 16.
considers that Athan. alludes in this h Naissus was situated in Upper
passage to the Synopsis Scr. Sacr. Dacia, and according to some was the
which is among his works ; but Mont- birthplace of Constantine. The Bishop
faucon, Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxviii. of the place, Gaudentius, whose name
contends that a copy of the Gospels occurs among the subscriptions at Sar-
is spoken of. dica, had protected S. raul of Con-
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which preclude time or place for the alleged offence. 159
at Aquileia; where the letters of your Piety found me. AndTn.IV.
again, being summoned thence by your departed brother, I 4 ~ 6 '
returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your Piety.
7. Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at §. 5.
which I made use of these expressions according to his
slanderous imputation ? In whose presence was I so mad as
to give utterance to the words which he has falsely charged
me with speaking? Who is there ready to support the
charge, and to testify to the fact ? What his own eyes have Prov.
seen that ought he to speak, as holy Scripture enjoins. But 26 ' 8 "
no; he will find no witnesses of that which never took
place. But I take your Piety to witness, together with the
Truth, that I lie not. I request you, for I know you to be a
person of excellent memory, to call to mind the conversation
I had with you, when you condescended to see me, first at
Viminacium', a second time at Caesarea in Cappadocia, and 1 >° .
a third time at Antioch. Did I speak evil before you even
of the Eusebians who have persecuted me? Did I cast
imputations upon any of those that have done me wrong ?
If then I imputed nothing to any of those against whom I
had a right to speak; how could I be so possessed with
madness as to slander a King before a King, and to set a
brother at variance with a brother? I beseech you, either
cause me to appear before you that the thing may be proved,
or else condemn these calumnies, and follow the example of
David, who says, Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, Ps. 101,
him will I destroy. As much as in them lies, they have 5,
slain me; for the mouth that belieth, slayeth the soul. ButWisd.i,
your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and given 11,
me confidence to defend myself, that they may suffer con-
demnation, as contentious and slanderous persons. Con-
cerning your most religious brother, of blessed memory *, this*«w
may suffice : for you will be able, according to the wisdom £2^7'
which God has given you, to gather much from the little I have
said, and to perceive that this accusation is a mere invention.
8, With regard to the second calumny, that I have written §. 6.
letters to the usurper 1 , (his name I am unwilling to pro-
stantinople and incurred the anathemas 1 Magnentius, a barbarian by origin,
of the Eusebians at Philippopolis. Hil. securing the troops who were about the
Fragm. iii. 27. person of Constans, had taken possession
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160 The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius^
A pol. nounce;) I beseech you investigate and try the matter, in
Const, whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may
approve of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds
me, that I am in utter uncertainty how to act. Believe me,
most religious Prince, many times did I weigh the matter in
my mind, but was unable to believe that any one could be
so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge
was published abroad by the Arians, as well as the former,
and they boasted that they had transmitted to you a copy of
the letter, I was the more amazed, and I have passed
sleepless nights contending against the charge, as if in the
presence of my accusers ; and suddenly breaking forth into
a loud cry, I have immediately fallen to my prayers, desiring
with groans and tears that I might obtain a favourable
hearing from you. And now that by the grace of the Lord,
I have obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I
shall begin my defence; for as often as I make an attempt
to speak, I am prevented by my horror at the deed.
9. In the case of your departed brother, the slanderers had
indeed a plausible pretence for what they alleged; because I
had been admitted to see him, and he had condescended to
write to your brotherly affection concerning me; and he had
often sent for me to come to him, and had honoured me when
1 h£fi»- I came. But for the traitor 1 Magnentius, the Lord is wit-
i # Sanu ness 9 an d His Anointed is witness, I know him not: I never
12, 5. did know him. What correspondence then could there be
between persons so entirely unacquainted with each other ?
What reason was there to induce me to write to such a man?
How could I have commenced my letter, had I written to
him? Could I have said, ' You have done well to murder
the man who honoured me, whose kindnesses I shall never
forget?' Or, i I approve of your conduct in destroying our
Christian friends, and most faithful brethren ?' or, ' 1 approve
of your proceedings in butchering those who so kindly enter-
tained me at Rome; for instance, your departed 2 Aunt Eu-
tropia k , whose disposition answered to her name, that worthy
of Autun in Gaul, where the Emperor great battle of Mursa, and ultimately
was, and, on the flight of the latter, had dest? oyed himself at Lyons,
sent a party of horse after him, by whom k Nepotian, the son of Eutropia,
he was despatched. Magnentius, after Constan tine's sister, had taken up arms
some successes, was defeated in the against Magnentius, got possession of
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utterly incredible and absurd. 161
man, Abuterius, the most faithful Spiral) this* and many other Tit. IV.
excellent persons?* Is it not mere madness in my accuser f"" 8,
even to suspect me of such a thing? What, I ask again, could 7 *
induce me to place confidence in this man ? What trait did
I perceive in his character on which I could rely ? He had
murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his
friends; he had violated his oath; he had blasphemed God,
by consulting poisoners and sorcerers 1 contrary to his Law. ^ingh*
And with what conscience could I send greeting to such a^jfj^
man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me only, §•
but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly
indebted to him for his conduct, that when your departed
brother had filled our churches with sacred offerings, he
murdered him. For the wretch was not moved by the sight
of these his gifts, nor did he stand in awe of the divine grace
which had been given to him in baptism : but like a deadly
and devilish spirit, he raged against him, till your blessed 22
brother suffered martyrdom at his hands; while he, hence-
forth a criminal like Cain, was driven from place to place, a Gen. 4,
fugitive and a vagabond, to the end that he might follow the Hist*
example of Judas in his death, by becoming his own execu- Ar - §• 7 -
tioner, and so bring upon himself a double weight of punish-
ment in the judgment to come.
10. With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been §. 8.
on terms of friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like
an enemy invented an incredible fiction : for he knows full
well that he has lied. I would that, whoever he is, he were
present here, that I might put the question to him on the
word of Truth itself, (for whatever we speak as in the presence
of God, we Christians consider as an oath 5 ;) I say, that Pvid.
might ask him this question, which of us rejoiced most in the^jjph.
well-being of the departed 4 Constans? who prayed for nim^-P- 119 *
most earnestly? The facts of the foregoing charge prove 4^^'.
this; indeed it is plain how the case stands. But although <' w
he himself knows full well, that no one who was so disposed
towards the departed 4 Constans, and who truly loved him,
could be a friend to his enemy, I fear that being possessed
Borne, and enjoyed the title of Au- a number of his adherents, some of whom
gustus for about a month. Magnentius are here mentioned,
pot him to death, and his mother, and
M
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l62A(hanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
A pol. with other feelings towards him than 1 was, he has falsely
Const, attributed to me those sentiments of hatred which were
entertained by himself.
§.9. 11. For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing,
that I am quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence*
I can only declare, that I condemn myself to die a thousand
deaths, if even the least suspicion attaches to me in this
matter. And to you, Sire, as a lover of the truth, I confidently
make my appeal. I beseech you, as I said before, to inves-
tigate this affair, and especially to call for the testimony of
those who were once sent by him as ambassadors to you.
These are the Bishops Servatius 1 and Maxim us and the rest^
with Clementius and Valens. Enquire of them, I beseech
you, whether they brought letters to me. If they did, this
would give me occasion to write to him. But if he did not
write to me, if he did not even know me, how could I write
to one with whom I had no acquaintance? Ask them
whether, when I saw Clementius, and spoke of your brother
• of blessed memory \ I did not, in the language of Scripture,
1$™$ wet m ^ g arments w ith tears, when I remembered his kindness
supr. p. of disposition and his Christian spirit? Learn of them how
159, r.2. anx j ous j was? on hearing of the cruelty of that savage beast,
and finding that Valens and his company had come by way
of Libya, lest he should attempt a passage also, and like a
robber murder those who held in love and memory the
« p.***- departed 2 Prince, among whom I account myself second to
none.
§. 10. 12. How with this apprehension of such a design, was there
not an additional probability of my praying for your Grace ?
Should I feel affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike
towards you his brother who avenged his death ? Should I
remember his crime, and forget that kindness of yours which
you vouchsafed to assure me by letter should remain the same
3 pax*- towards me after your brother's death of happy memory 3 , as
* ,w it had been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to
look upon the murderer? Must I not have thought that the
1 SarbatiuB or Servatius, and Maxi- num, vid. Sulp. Hist. ii. 59. vid. also
mus occur in the lists of Gallic sub- Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, ii. 5. where
scriptions at Sardica. The former is however the Bened. Ed. prefers to»
supposed to be St. Servatius or Servatio read Aravatius, a bishop, as he con*
of Tungri, concerning whom at Arimi- siders, of the fifth century.
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He couldnot be false to one brother in ttie presence of another. 1 03
blessed Prince beheld me, when I prayed for your safety ?Tr. IV.
For brothers are by nature the mirrors of each other. Where- 9 ~ n '
fore as seeing you in him, I never should have slandered you
before him; and as seeing him in you, never should I have
written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety.
Of this, my witnesses are, first of all, the Lord who ha$ heard
and has given to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers :
and next those persons who were present at the time, Felicis-
simus, who was Duke of Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the
former of whom was Receiver-general l ,the latter, Master there; 1 supr.
Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus \ f gf 2f
and Evagrius Official Agents™. I had only to say, "Let us
pray for the safety of the most religious Emperor, Constantius
Augustus," and all the people immediately cried out with one
voice, "O Christ, send thy help to Constantius;" and they
continued praying thus for some time".
13. Now I have already called upon God, and His Word,§. 11.
the Only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for
me, that I have never written to that man, nor received
letters from him. And as to my accuser, give me leave to
ask him a few short questions concerning this charge also.
How did he come to the knowledge of this matter ? Will he
say that he has got copies of the letter ? for this is what the
Arians have declared till they were weary. Now in the
first place, even if he can shew writing resembling mine, the
thing is by no means certain ; for there are forgers, who
have often imitated the hand 8 even of you who are Kings. 2
m 1. The Rationales or Receivers, in piywrpt i%u, Tillemont translates,
Greek writers Catholici,(X«y«rfic«) being *« Master of the camp of Egypt." voL
understood, Vales, ad Euseb. vii. 10.) 8. p. 137. 3. The Master of the offices
were the same as the Procurators, or of the palace has been noticed above, p<
(Gibbon, Hist. ch. xvii. note 148.) who 157, noted. 4- tyittwyfavi) agentes in
succeeded the Provincial QueBstors in rebus. These were functionaries under
the early times of the Empire. They the Master of the offices, whose business
were in the department of the Comes it was to announce the names of the
Sacrarum Largitionum, or High Trea- consuls and the edicts or victories of
surer of the Revenue, (Gothofr. Cod. the Empire. They at length became
Theod. t. 6. p. 327.) Both Gothofr. how- spies of the Court, vid. Gibbon, ch. xvii.
ever and Pancirolns, p. 134. Ed. 1623. Gothofr. Cod. Th. vi. 27.
place Rationales also under the Comes n " Presbyterum Erachum mihi suc-
Rerum Privatarum. Pancirolus, p. cessorem vo.o. A populo acclamatum
120. mentions the Comes Rationalis est, Deo gratias, Christo laudes ; dic-
Summarum iEgypti as distinct from turn est vicies terties. Exaudi Christe,
other functionaries. Gibbon, ch. xvii. Augustino vita ; dictum est sexies
seems to say that there were in all 29, decies. Te patrem, te episcopum ;
of whom 18 were counts. 2. Stephanus, dictum est octies." August. Ep. 213*
supr. p.
107.
M 2
164
Truth the defence of Tlirones.
.A pol. And the resemblance will not prove the genuineness of the
Const * etter > unless my customary amanuensis shall testify in its
favour. I would then again ask my accusers, Who provided
you with these copies ? and whence were they obtained ? 1
had my writers 0 , and he his servants, who received his letters
from tfre bearers, and gave them into his hand. My as-
sistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe to summon the others,
(for they are most probably still living,) and enquire con-
cerning these letters. Search into the matter, as though
Truth were the partner of your throne. She is the defence
of Kings, and especially of Christian Kings ; with her you
Prov. will reign most securely, for holy Scripture says, Mercy and
20 > 28 * truth preserve the king, and they will encircle his throne in
righteousness. And the wise Zorobabel gained a victory
over the others by setting forth the power of Truth, and all the
4, 41. people cried out, Great is truth, and mighty above all things.
§. 12. 14. Hud I been accused before any other, I should have
appealed to your Piety ; as once the Apostle appealed unto
Caesar, and put an end to the designs of bis enemies against
him. But since they have had the boldness to lay their
charge before you, to whom shall I appeal from you ? to the
Johni4, Father of Him who says, / am the Truth, that He may
incline your heart unto clemency : —
O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this
Kingdom to Thy servant Constantius ; do Thou shine into
his heart, that he, knowing the falsehood that is set against
me, may both favourably receive this my defence ; and may
make known unto all men, that his ears are firmly set to
Prov. hearken unto the Truth, according as it is written, Righteous
16 > 13 - Hps alone are acceptable unto the King. For Thou hast
caused it to be said by Solomon, that thus the throne of a
kingdom shall be established.
15. Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, anil let the
accusers understand that your desire is to learn the truth ;
and see, whether they will not shew their falsehood by their
° vid. Rom. xvi. 22. Lucian is St Jerome was either secretary or ama-
spoken of as the amanuensis of the Con- nuensis to Pope Damasus, vid. Ep. ad
feasors, who wrote to St Cyprian, Ep. Ageruch. (123. n. 10. Ed. Vallars.) vid.
16, Ed. Ben. Jader perhaps of Ep. 80. Lami de Erud. Ap. p. 268.
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Falsehood makes men cowards. 165
very looks; for the countenance is a test of the conscience, Tr IV.
as it is written, A merry heart maketh a cheerful countenance, p^ 3 '
but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken. Thus they 15, 13.
who had conspired against Joseph were convicted by their ^y^i*
own consciences ; and the cruelty of Laban towards Jacob
were shewn in his countenance 1 . And thus you see the M&Vit.
suspicious alarm of these persons, for they fly and hide^**"
themselves; but on my part frankness* in making my ,80 F'
defence. And the question between us is not one regarding iss. '
worldly wealth, but concerning the honour of the Church.
He that has been struck by a stone, applies to a physician ;
but sharper than a stone are the strokes of calumny ; for as
Solomon has said, A false witness is a maul, and a sword, Pror.
and a sharp arrow, and its wounds Truth alone is able to 26 ' 18 "
cure ; and if Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and
worse.
16. It is this that has thrown the Churches every where §. 13.
into such confusion ; for pretences have been devised, and
Bishops of great authority, and of advanced age 5 , have been 8 Hist,
banished for holding communion with me. However, if^"&^.
matters stop here, our prospect is favourable through your
gracious interposition. And that the evil may not extend
itself, let Truth prevail before you ; and leave not the whole
Church under suspicion, as though Christian men, nay even
Bishops, could be guilty of plotting and writing in this
manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the matter, it
is but right that we who offer our defence, should be believed,
rather than our calumniators. They, like enemies, are oc-
cupied in wickedness ; we, as earnestly contending for our
cause, present to you our proofs. And truly I wonder how
it comes to pass, that while we address you with fear and
reverence, they are possessed of such an impudent spirit,
that they dare even to lie before the King 4 . But I pray y ou >^ p £J'
for the Truth's sake, and as it is written, search diligently in Hist," *
my presence, on what grounds they affirm these things, and j^ 6 *'
whence these letters were obtained. But neither will any of Sept ' *
my servants be proved guilty, nor will any of his people be
able to tell whence they came ; for they are forgeries. And
perhaps one had better not enquire further. They do not
wish it, lest the writer of the letters should be certain o{
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166 The third charge, of using an undedicated Church,
Apol. detection. For the calumniators alone, and none besides,
Const, know who he is.
§7l4T 17. But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the
matter of the great Church, that a congregation was holden
there before it was completed, I will answer to your Piety
on this charge also ; for the parties who bear so hearty an
enmity against me, constrain me to do so. I confess this
did so happen ; for, as in what I have hitherto said, 1 have
spoken no lie, I will not now deny this. But the facts are
far otherwise than they have represented them. Permit me
to declare to you, most religious Augustus, that we kept no
day of dedication, (it would certainly have been unlawful to
do so, before receiving orders from you,) nor were we led to
act as we did through premeditation. No Bishop or other
Clergyman was invited to join in our proceedings; for much
was yet wanting to complete the building. Nay the con-
gregation was not held on a previous notice, which might
give them a reason for informing against us. Every one
knows how it happened ; hear me, however, with your
accustomed equity and patience. It was the feast of Easter,
and an exceeding great multitude of Christians was assembled
together, such as Christian kings would desire to see in all
their cities. Now when the Churches were found to be too
few to contain them, there was no little stir among the
people, who desired that they might be allowed to meet
together in the great Church, where they could all offer up
lfn ?63 * e ^ r P ra ^ ers *° r vour sa fety l - And this they did; for al-
vol.8, though 1 exhorted them to wait awhile, and to assemble
p. 169. i n the other Churches, with whatever inconvenience to
themselves, they would not listen to me ; but were ready to
go out of the city, and meet in desert places in the open air,
thinking it better to endure the fatigue of the journey, than
to keep the feast in such a state of discomfort.
15. 18. Belieye me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this
also, when I declare that in the congregations held during the
season of Lent, in consequence of the narrow limits of our
buildings, and the vast multitude of people assembled, a great
number of children, not a few of the younger and very many
of the older women, besides several young men, suffered so
niuch from the pressure of the crowd, that they were obliged
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which he did for wan t of room with precedents in his favour. 167
to be carried home ; though by the Providence of God, none Tr.1V.
perished. All however murmured, and demanded the use of ~
the great Church. And if the pressure was so great during
the days which preceded the feast, what would have been
the case during the feast itself? Of course matters would
have been far worse. It did not therefore become me to
change the people's joy into grief, their cheerfulness into
sorrow, and to make the festival a season of lamentation.
19. And that the more, because I had a precedent in the
conduct of our Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the
other places of worship were too small, and he was engaged
in the erection of what was then considered a very large one,
the Church of Theonas p , held his congregations there on ac-
count of the number of the people, while at the same time he
proceeded with the building. I have seen the same thing
done at Treves and at Aquileia, in both which places, while
the building was proceeding, they assembled there during the
feasts, on account of the number of the people; and they
never found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay,
your brother of blessed memory was present, when a congre-
gation was held under these circumstances at Aquileia. I
also followed this course. There was no dedication, but
only an assembly for the sake of prayer. You, at least, I am
sure, as a lover of God, will approve of the people's zeal, and
will pardon me for being unwilling to hinder the prayers of
so great a multitude.
20. But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it§. 16.
right that the people should pray? in the desert, or in a place
which was in course of building for the purpose of prayer ?
Where was it becoming and pious that the people should
p S. Epiphanius mentions 9 Churches name. Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Sev. 43.
in Alexandria. Haer. 69. 2. A than. The Church in question was built
mentions in addition that of Quirinus. in the Caesareum. Hist Arian. 74.
Hist. Arian. §. 10. The Church men- There was a magnificent Temple, de-
tioned in the text was built at the dicated to Augustus, as Wt{Ur*ii§t y
Emperor's expense ; and apparently on the harbour of Alexandria, Philon.
upon the Emperor's ground, as on the Legat. ad Caium, pp. 1013,4. ed. 1691.
site was or had been a Basilica, which and called the Ceesareum. It was near
bore first the name of Hadrian, then the Emperor's palace, vid. Acad, des
of Licinius, Epiph. ibid, Hadrian, it Inscript. vol. 9. p. 416. As to the
should be observed, built in many cities Ceesarean Church, it was begun by
temples without idols, which were popu- Gregory, finished by George, burnt
larly considered as intended by him for under Julian, rebuilt by Athanasius.
Christian worship, and went after his Tillem. vol. 8. pp. 148, 9.
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168 Better to meet together, than to pray separately.
Apol. answer, Amen 41 ? in the desert, or in what was already called
Const. ^ e Lord's house? Where would you, most religious Prince,
have wished your people to stretch forth their hands, and to
pray for you ? where the Greeks, as they passed by, might
stop and listen, or in a place named after yourself, which all
men have long called the Lord's house, even since the found-
ations of it were laid ? I am sure that you prefer your own
place; for I see you smile, and that tells me so.
21. " But," says the accuser, " it ought to have been in the
Churches." They were all, as I said before, too small and
confined to admit the multitude. Then again, in which way
was it most becoming that their prayers should be made?
Should they meet together in parts and separate companies,
with danger from the crowded state of the congregations ? or,
when there was now a place that would contain them all,
should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and the
same voice in perfect harmony ? This was the better course,
for this shewed the unanimity of the multitude : in this way
God will readily hear prayer. For if, according to the promise
Mat. 18, of our Saviour Himself, where two shall agree together as
touching any thing that they shall ask, it shall be done for
them, how shall it be when so great an assembly of people
with one voice utter their Amen to God ? Who indeed was
there that did not marvel at the sight? Who but pronounced
you a happy prince, when they saw so great a multitude met
together in one place ? How did the people themselves re*
joice to see each other, having been accustomed heretofore
to assemble in separate places! The circumstance was a
source of pleasure to all; of vexation to the calumniator
alone.
§.17. 22. Now then, I would also meet the other and only remain-*
ing objection of my accuser. He says, the building was not
completed, and prayer ought not to have been made there.
Mat. 6, g u fc the Lord said, But thou, when thou pray est, enter into
thy closet, and shut the doors. What then will the accuser
answer ? or rather what will all prudent and true Christians
say? Let your Majesty ask the opinion of such: for it is
Is. 32, 6. written of the other, The foolish person will speak foolishness ;
Sept.
4 Bingham, Antiqu. xv. 3. §. 26. Suicer, Thesaur. in voc. Gavanti,
Tertullian, (O. T. vol. i. p. 214, note n.) Thesaur. vol. i. p. 89. ed. 1 763.
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Better to pray in a building than in the desert. 169
but of these, Ask counsel of all that are wise. When theTn.lV.
17.
Churches were too small, and the people so numerous as they Tpb * 4 ■
were, and desirous to go forth into the desert, what ought 1 18. '
to have done ? The desert has no doors, and all who choose
may pass through it, but the Lord's house is enclosed with
walls and doors, and marks the difference between the pious
and the profane. Will not every wise person then, as well as
your Piety, Sire, give the preference to the latter place ? For
they know that here prayer is lawfully offered, while a suspi-
cion of irregularity attaches to it there. Unless indeed, no
place proper for it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only
in the desert, as was the case with Israel; although after the
tabernacle was built, they also had thenceforth a place set
apart for prayer.
28. O Christ, Lord and true King of kings, Only-begotten
Son of God, Word and Wisdom of the Father, I am accused
because the people prayed Thy gracious favour, and
through Thee besought Thy Father, who is God over all,
to save Thy servant, the most religious Constantius. But
thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for this that I am
blamed, and for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had
been the blame, and more true had been the charge, had we
passed by the place which the Emperor was building, and
gone forth into the desert to pray. How would the accuser
then have vented his folly against me ! With what apparent
reason would he have said, " He despised the place which
you are building ; he does not approve of your undertaking ;
he passed it by in derision ; he pointed to the desert to
supply the want of room in the Churches ; he prevented the
people when they wished to offer up their prayers." This
is what he wished to say, and sought an occasion of saying
it; and finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith invents a
charge against me. Had he been able to say this, he would
have confounded me with shame; as now he injures me,
copying the accuser's 1 ways, and watching for an occasion 1 W-
against those that pray. Thus has he perverted to a wicked 8 upr.
purpose his knowledge of Daniel's history. But he hasP-* 60 '
been deceived ; for he ignorantly imagined, that Babylonian
practices were in fashion with you, and knew not that you
are a friend of the blessed Daniel, and worship the same
Digitized by
170 Prayers Jirst do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
Apol. God, and do not forbid, but wish all men to pray, knowing
Const. ^at tne P ra y er °f ft H tnat y ou ma y continue to reign in
1 p. 166. perpetual peace and safety 1 .
& *18 This 1S w ^ at * nave t0 com pl am °f 011 tne P art °f m y
^' 'accuser. But may you, most religious Augustus, live through
the course of many years to come, and celebrate the dedica-
tion of the Church. Surely the prayers' which have been
offered for your safety by all men, are no hindrance to this
celebrity. Let these unlearned persons cease such mis-
representations, but let them learn from the example of the
Fathers ; and let them read the Scriptures. Or rather let
them learn of you, who are so well instructed in such
histories, how that Jesus the son of Josedek the priest, and
his brethren, and Zorobabel the wise, the son of Salathiel,
and Ezra the priest and scribe of the law, when the temple
was in course of building after the captivity, the feast of
tabernacles being at hand, (which was a great feast and time
Eer. 3. of assembly and prayer in Israel,) gathered the people
together with one accord in the great court within the first
gate, which is toward the East, and prepared the altar to
God, and there offered their gifts, and kept the feast. And
so afterwards they brought hither their sacrifices, on the
sabbaths and the new moons, and the people offered up
their prayers. And yet the Scripture says expressly, that
when these things were done, the temple of God was not yet
built ; but rather while they thus prayed, the building of the
house was set forward. So that neither were their prayers
deferred in expectation of the dedication, nor was the
dedication prevented by the assemblies held for the sake of
prayer. But the people thus continued to pray ; and when
the house was entirely finished, they celebrated the dedica-
tion, and brought their gifts for that purpose, and all kept
the feast for the completion of the work.
25. And thus also did the blessed Alexander, and the other
Fathers. They continued to assemble their people, and when
they had completed the work they gave thanks unto the
Lord, and celebrated the dedication. This also it befits you
to do, O Prince, most careful in your inquiries. The place is
ready, having been already sanctified by the prayers which
have been offered in it, and requires only the presence
Digitized by Google
Fourth charge y of his disobeying an Imperial order. 171
of your Piety. This only is wanting to its perfect beauty. Tr. IV.
Do you then supply this deficiency, and there make your 18> 19 *
prayers unto the Lord, for whom you have built this house.
That you may do so is the trust of all men.
26. And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining §.19.
accusation, and permit me to answer it likewise. They have
dared to charge me with resisting your commands, and
refusing to leave my Church. Truly I wonder they are not
weary of uttering their calumnies, I however am not yet
weary of answering them, 1 rather rejoice to do so ; for the
more abundant my defence is, the more entirely must they
be condemned. I did not resist the commands of your
Piety, God forbid ; I am not a man that would resist even
the Quaestor r of the city, much less so great a Prince. On
this matter, I need not many words, for the whole city will
bear witness for me. Nevertheless, permit me again to
relate the circumstances from the beginning ; for when you
hear them, I am sure you will be astonished at the pre-
sumption of my enemies.
27. Montanus the officer of the Palace 1 , came and brought i vid.
me a letter, which purported to be an answer to one from £^ od
me, requesting that I might go into Italy, for the purpose of d. 30.
obtaining a supply of the deficiencies which I thought
existed in the condition of our Churches. Now I desire to
thank your Piety, which condescended to assent to my
request, on the supposition that I had written to you, and
made provision 2 for me to undertake the journey, and to'supr.
accomplish it without trouble. But here again I am^ tey ;
astonished at those who have spoken falsehood in your ears,
that they were not afraid, seeing that lying belongs to the
Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, / am the JohnH,
Truth. For I never wrote to you, nor will my accuser be
able to find any such letter; and though I ought to have
written every day, if I might thereby behold your gracious
countenance, yet it would neither have been pious to desert
the Churches, nor right to be troublesome to your Piety,
especially since you are willing to grant our requests in
behalf of the Church, although we are not present to make
r X#yirrJ, auditor of accounts? vid. Arist. Polit. vi. 8.
Demosth. de Corona, p. 290. ed. 1823.
Digitized by V
172
History of his disobeying it.
Apol. them. Now may it please you to order me to read what
Const. Montanus commanded me to do. This is as follows 1 . * * *
i lost, or 28. Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained
never this letter also? I would learn of them who it was that put it
intro- *
duced. into their hands ? Do you cause them to answer. By this
§. 20. y OU raav perceive that they have forged this, as they did also
the former letter, which they published against me, with
reference to the wretched Magnenlius. And being convicted
in this instance also, on what pretence next will they bring
me to make my defence ? Their only concern is, to throw
every thing into disorder and confusion ; and for this end I
perceive they exercise their zeal. Perhaps they think that
by frequent repetition of their charges, they will at last exas-
perate you against me. But you ought to turn away from
such persons, and to hate them ; for such as themselves are,
such also they imagine those to be who listen to them; and
they think that their calumnies will prevail even before you.
l Sam. The accusation of Doeg prevailed of old against the priests
22> 9 ' of God : but it was the unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto
him. And Jezebel was able to injure the most religious
l Kings Naboth by her false accusations ; but then it was the wicked
21 and apostate Ahab who hearkened unto her. But the most
holy David, whose example it becomes you to follow, as all
pray that you may, favours not such men, but was wont to
turn away from them and avoid them, as raging dogs. He
P«. ioi, says, Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour ', him have I
|.* x a3 destroyed. For he kept the commandment which says, Thou
1. Sept! shalt not receive a false report. And false are the reports of
these men in your sight. You, like Solomon, have required
Prov. of the Lord, (and believe yourself to have obtained your
30, 8. desire,) that it would seem good unto Him to remove far from
you vain and lying words.
§. 21. 29. Forasmuch then as the letter was forged by my calum-
niators, and contained no order that I should come to you, I
concluded that it was not the wish of your Piety that I should
come. For in that you gave me no absolute command, but
merely wrote as in answer to a letter from me, requesting that
I might be permitted to set in order the things which seemed
to be wanting, it was manifest to me (although no one told me
this) that the letter which I had received did not express the
Digitized by Google
History of his disobeying «7.
173
sentiments of your Clemency. All knew, and I also stated in Tb.IV.
writing, as Montanus is aware, that I did not refuse to come, 20 "" 22 '
but only that I thought it unbecoming to take advantage of
the supposition that I had written to you to request this
favour, fearing also lest my accusers should find in this a
pretence for saying that I made myself troublesome to your
Piety. Nevertheless, I made preparations, as Montanus also
knows, in order that, should you condescend to write to me,
I might immediately leave home, and readily answer your
commands ; for I was not so mad as to resist such an order
from you. When then in fact your Piety did not write to me,
how could I resist a command which I never received? or
how can they say, that 1 refused to obey, when no orders
were given me? Is not this again the mere fabrication of
enemies, pretending that which never took place ? I fear
that even now, while I am engaged in this defence of myself,
they may 7 allege against me that I am doing that which I have
never obtained your permission to do. So easily is my con-
duct made matter of accusation by them, and so ready are
they to vent their calumnies in despite of that Scripture,
which says, Love not to slander another, test thou be cut Prov.
off. * 2°' ls -
Jt' Sept.
30. After a period of six and twenty mouths, when Montanus §. 22.
had gone away, there came Diogenes the Notary"; but he
brought me no letter, nor did we see each other, nor did he
charge me with any commands as from you. Moreover when
the General Syrianus entered Alexandria, seeing that certain
reports were spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that
matters would now be as they wished, I enquired whether he
had brought any letters on the subject of these statements of
theirs. I confess that I asked for letters containing your
commands. And when he said that he had brought none, I
requested that Syrianus himself, or Maximus the Prefect of
Egypt, would write to me concerning this matter. Which
request I made, because your Grace had written to me,
* Notaries were the immediate at- torn. 3. p. 464. ed. Erfurdt, 1808. Pan-
tendante on magistrates, whose judg- cirol. Notit p. 143. Hofman tit voc.
mente, &c. they recorded and promul- Scharf enumerates with references the
gated. Their office was analogous in civil officers, &c. to whom they were
the Imperial Court, vid. Gothofred in attached in Dissert. 1. de Notariis Ec-
Cod. Theod. vi. 10. Amroian. Marcell. clesiae, p. 49.
Digitized by
174 Letter of Const an tins to Athanasius.
A pol. desiring that I would not suffer myself to be alarmed by any
Const. one > nor attend to those who wished to fiighten me, but that
I would continue to preside over the Churches without fear.
It was Palladius, the Master of the Palace, and Asterius Duke
of Armenia, who brought me this letter. Permit me to read
a copy of it. It is as follows:
§. 23. 31. A copy 1 of the letter as follows:
another Constautius Victor Augustus to Athanasius.
lation of isnot unknown to your Prudence, how constantly I prayed
the La- that success might attend my late brother Constans iti all his
Arian!* undertakings, and your wisdom will easily judge how greatly
§. 24. I W as afflicted, when I learnt that he had been cut off by the
treachery of ruffians. Now forasmuch as certain persons are
endeavouring at this time to alarm you, by setting before
your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I have thought good to
address to your Reverence this present letter, to exhort you,
that, as becomes a Bishop, you would teach the people to
2 *i£jt*- conform to the established 8 religion, and, according to your
Tid?«£ f - custom > gi ye yourself up to prayer together with them. For
w»rif this is agreeable to our wishes ; and our desire is, that you
inftT§. should in every season be a Bishop in your own place.
31 - And in another hand:— May divine Providence preserve
you, beloved Father, many years.
§. 24. 32. On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with
the magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having re-
ceived it, should demand their letters, and refuse to give heed
to mere pretences ? And were they not acting in direct con-
tradiction to the tenor of your instructions to me, while they
failed to shew me the commands of your Piety ? I therefore,
seeing they produced no letters from you, considered it
improbable that a mere verbal communication should be
made to them, especially as the letter of your Grace had
charged me not to give ear to such persons. I acted rightly
then, most religious Augustus, that, as I had returned to my
country under the authority of your letters, so I should only
leave it by your command; and might not render myself
liable hereafter to a charge of having deserted the Church,
but as receiving your order might have a reason for my se-
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WJiy Athanasius did not at once obey the Emperor. 175
cession. This was demanded for me by all my people, whoTB.IV.
went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters, and the greatest 23 ~~ 25 '
part, to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus the
Prefect of Egypt was also there : and their request was that
either he would send me a declaration of your wishes in
writing, or would forbear to disturb the Chujrches, while the
people themselves were sending a deputation to you respecting
the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus at
last perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, pro-
testing by your life (Hilary was present and witnessed this)
that he would put an end to the disturbance, and refer the
case to your Piety. The guards of the Duke, as well as those
of the Prefect of Egypt, know that this is true; the Prytanis 1 1 The
of the city also remembers the words; so that you willxmem!
perceive that neither I, nor any one else, resisted your com- vol «8.
mands. P *
33. A1J, demanded that the letters of your Piety should be §. 25.
exhibited. For although the bare word of a King is of
equal weight and authority with his written command,
especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms in writing
that it has been given him ; yet when they neither openly
declared that they had received any command, nor, as they
were requested to do, gave me assurance of it in writing, but
acted altogether as by their own authority ; I confess, I say
it boldly, I was suspicious of them. For there were many
Arians about them, who were their companions at table,
and their advisers; and while they attempted nothing
openly, they were preparing to assail me, by stratagem and
treachery. Nor did they act at all as under the authority of
a royal command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the
solicitation of my enemies. This made me demand more
urgently that they should produce letters from you, seeing
that all their undertakings and designs were of a suspicious
nature; and because it was unseemly that after I had
entered the Church, under the authority of so many letters
from you, I should retire from it without such a sanction.
34. When however Syrianus gave his promise, all the
people assembled together in the Churches with feelings of
joyfulness and security. But three and twenty days after,
he burst into the Church with his soldiers, while we were
Digitized by
176 Irruption of Syrianm into the Church.
A pol. engaged in our usual services, as those who entered in
TO 9
Const, there witnessed ; for it was a vigil, preparatory to a com*
Vvufgw munion 1 on the morrow* And such things were done that
night as the Arians desired and had beforehand denounced
against us. For the General brought them with him ; and
they were the instigators and advisers of the attack. This
is no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus ; for
it was not done in secret, but was noised abroad every
where. When therefore I saw the assault begun, I first
exhorted the people to retire, and then withdrew myself
after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those who were
with me at the time witnessed. Since then, I have remained
by myself, though I have all confidence to answer for my
conduct, in the first place before God, and also before your
Piety, for that I did not flee and desert my people, but can
point to the attack of the General upon us, as a proof of
persecution. His proceedings have caused the greatest
astonishment among all men ; for either he ought not to
have made a promise, or not to have broken it after he had
made it.
§. 26. 35. Now why did they form thfs plot against me, and
treacherously lay an ambush to take me, when it was in
their power to enforce the order by a written declaration?
The command of a King is wont to give great boldness to
those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly, made
the suspicion stronger that they had received no command.
And did I require any thing so veiy absurd ? Let your
'/SftMAiv Majesty's candour decide 8 . Will not every one say, that
gucn a demand wa £ reasonable for a Bishop to make ? You
know, for you hare read the Scriptures, how great an
offence it is for a Bishop to desert his Church, and to
neglect the flock of God. For the absence of the Shepherd
gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the sheep. And
this was what the Arians and all the other heretics desired,
that during my absence they might find an opportunity to
entrap the people into impiety. If then I had fled, what
defence could I have made before true Bishops ? or rather
before Him who has committed to me His flock ? He it is
who judges the whole earth, the true King of all, our Lord
Jesus Christ, the Son of God.
Digitized by Google
Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius. 177
36. Would not every one have rightly charged me withTn.iv.
neglect of my people ? Would not your Piety have blamed 26 ' 2y *
me, and have justly asked, u After you had returned under
the authority of our letters, why did you withdraw without
such authority, and desert your people?" Would not the
people themselves at the day of judgment have reasonably
imputed to me this neglect of them, and have said, " He
that Jiad the oversight of us fled, and we were neglected,
there being no one to put us in mind of our duty ?" When
they said this, what could I have answered ? Such a com-
plaint was made by Ezekiel against the Pastors of old ; and Ez. 34,
the blessed Apostle Paul, knowing this, has charged every 2,&c *
one of us, in the person of his disciple, saying, Neglect not l Tim.
the gift that is in thee, which was given thee, with the 4 > 14 '
laying on of the hands of the presbytery. Fearing this, I
wished not to flee, but to receive your commands, if indeed
such was the will of your Piety. But 1 never obtained what
I so reasonably requested, and now I am falsely accused
before you ; for I resisted no commands of your Piety ; nor
will I now attempt to return to Alexandria, until your Grace
shall desire it. This 1 say beforehand, lest the slanderers
should again make this a pretence for accusing me.
37. Considering these things, I did not give sentence against §. 27.
myself 1 , but hastened ,to come to your Piety, with this my i vo i. 8#
defence, knowing your goodness, and remembering yourP- 6 >
faithful promises, and being confident that, as it is written
in the Proverbs of Scripture, Just speeches are acceptable to p ro v.
a gracious king 2 . But when I had already entered upon my \
journey, and had past through the desert, a report suddenly other-
reached me', which at first I thought to be incredible, but™*®^
which afterwards proved to be true. It was rumoured every 164 -
where that Liberius Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius of
Spain, Paulinus of Gaul, Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy,
Lucifer of Sardinia 3 , and certain other Bishops, with theirs v ^
Presbyters and Deacons, had been banished because they^P-
refused to subscribe to my condemnation. These had been
* In this chapter he breaks off his which he here records changed his feel-
Oratorical form, and ends his Apology ings towards Constantius, whom hence-
much more in the form of a letter, vid. forth he accounted as a persecutor, worse
however rm kiyv* xa^ot, infr. §. 34, than heathen, because an apostate, vid.
86 init. «r{w0*»ifr*, §. 36. The events Lib. F. vol. 8. p. 90, note p.
Digitized by
178 News comes to him of the general persecution,
Apol. banished; and Vincentius 1 of Capua, Fortunatian 1 of Aquileia,
Const. Heremius of Thessalonica, and all tbe Bishops of the West,
> supr. were treated with no ordinary vigour, nay were suffering
note°o.' extreme violence and grievous injuries, until they could be
induced to promise that they would not communicate with
me.
38. While I was astonished and perplexed at these tidings,
^rid. behold another report 8 overtook me, respecting them of
Ar. §§. Egypt and Libya, that nearly ninety Bishops had been
JJ'yJ' under persecution, and that their Churches were given up
&c. ' to the professors of Arianism ; that sixteen had been
banished, and of the rest, some had fled, and others were
constrained to dissemble. For the persecution was said to
be so violent in those parts, that at Alexandria, while the
brethren were praying during Easter and on the Lord's day
in a desert place near the cemetery, the General came upon
them with a force of soldiery, more than three thousand in
number, with arms, drawn swords, and spears ; whereupon
outrages, such as might be expected to follow so unprovoked
an attack, were committed against women and children, who
were doing nothing more than praying to God. It would
perhaps be unseasonable to give an account of them now,
lest the mere mention of such enormities should move us all
to tears. But such was their cruelty, that virgins were
stripped, and even the bodies of those who died from the
blows they received were not immediately given up for
burial, but were cast out to the dogs, until their relatives,
with great risk to themselves, came secretly and stole them
away, and much effort was necessary, that no one might
know it.
§. 28. 39. The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought
incredible, and will fill all men with astonishment, by reason
of their extreme wickedness. It is necessary however to
speak of them, in order that your Christian zeal and piety
may perceive that their slanders and calumnies against us
are framed for no other end, than that they may drive us
out of the Churches, and introduce their own impiety in our
place. For when the lawful Bishops, men of advanced age,
had some of them been banished, and others forced to fly,
heathens and catechumens, those who hold the first places in
Digitized by Google
and of his own proscription. 179
the senate, and men who are notorious for their wealth, were Tr.iv.
• 28 29
straightway commissioned by the Arians to preach the holy — - — -
faith instead of Christians 1 . And enquiry was no longer 1 Hist
made, as the Apostle enjoined, if any be blameless; but ac-^pj^*
cording to the practice of the impious Jeroboam, he who^Sjr.i.
could give most money, was named Bishop ; and it made no 3, 2.
difference to them, even if the man happened to be a heathen,
so long as he furnished them with money. Those who had
been Bishops from the time of Alexander, monks and ascetics,
were banished: and men practised only in calumny corrupted,
as far as in them lay, the Apostolic rule, and polluted the
Churches. Truly their false accusations against us have
gained them much, that they should be able to commits^,-
iniquity, and to do such things as these in your time 2 ; so that^e Syn.
the words of Scripture may be applied to them, Woe ww/0p°i59.')
those through whom My name is blasphemed among /A^vid.2
Gentiles. li!*©?'
40. These were the rumours that were noised abroad; and§. 29.
although every thing was thus turned upside down, I still did
not relinquish my earnest desire of coming to your Piety, but
was again setting forward on my journey. And I did so the
more eagerly, being confident that these proceedings were
contrary to your wishes, and that if your Grace should be
informed of what was done, you would prevent it for the time
to come. For I could not think that a righteous king could
wish Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be stripped, or
the Churches to be in any way disturbed. While I thus
reasoned and hastened on my journey, behold a third report
reached me, to the effect that letters had been written to the
Princes of Auxumis, desiring that Frumentius u , Bishop of
Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that search
should be made for me even as far as the country of the Bar-
barians, that I might be handed over to the Commentaries 1
» Athan. had consecrated Frumentius * That is, the prison. " The official
for the Ethiopian mission, who had books;" Montfancon (apparently) in
been already successful in introducing Onomast. vid. Gothofr. Cod. Theod. ix.
Christianity into the heathen court of 3. 1. 5. However, in xi. 30. p. 243. he
Auxumis, where he had held the place says, Malim pro ipsa custodii accipere.
first of Minister, then of Regent The And so Du Cangem voc. and this mean-
two Princes to whom Constantius writes ing is here followed, vid. supr. p. 26.
in the letter which is presently to follow where commentarius is translated
were the King's sons, whom Frumentius " jailor." Apol. contr. Arian. §. 8.
had first served.
N 2
Digitized by Google
180 Letter of Constantim against Athanasius
Apol. (as they axe called) of the Prefects, and that all the laity and
30N6T. c ^ GT Sy should be compelled to communicate with the Arian
heresy, and that such as would not comply with this order
should be put to death. To shew that these were not merely
idle rumours, but that they were confirmed by facts, since
your Grace has given me leave, I produce the letter. My
enemies, who threatened every one with death, frequently
caused it to be read.
§. 30. 41. A copy of the letter,
'pp. 79, Victor 1 Constantius Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians.
96, 119,
Your city, preserving its native spirit and temper, and re-
membering the virtue of its founders, has habitually shewn
itself obedient unto us, as it does at this day; and we on our
part should consider ourselves greatly wanting in our duty,
did not our good will eclipse even that of Alexander himself.
For as it belongs to a temperate mind, to behave itself orderly
in all respects, so it is the part of royalty, on account of virtue,
permit me to say, such as yours, to embrace you above all
others; you, who rose up as the first teachers of wisdom;
who were the first to acknowledge the God, who is 2 ; who
p * moreover have chosen for yourselves the most consummate
note y. masters; and have cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly
abominating that impostor and cheat, and dutifully uniting
yourselves to those venerable men who are beyond all admi-
ration. And yet, who is ignorant, even among those who live
in the end of the earth, what violent party spirit was displayed
in the late proceedings ? with which we know not any thing
that has ever happened, worthy to be compared. The
majority of the citizens had their eyes blinded, and a man
who had come forth from the lowest dens of infamy obtained
authority among them, entrapping into falsehood, as under
cover of darkness, those who Were desirous to know the
truth ; — one who never provided for them any fruitful and
edifying discourse, but corrupted their minds with unprofit-
able subtleties. His flatterers shouted and applauded him ;
they were astonished at his powers, and they still probably
murmur secretly ; while the majority of the more simple sort
took their cue from them. And thus all went with the stream,
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addressed to the Alexandrians.
181
as if a flood had broken in, while every thing was entirely Tr.i v.
neglected. One of the multitude was in power; — how can I 30 ' -
describe him more truly, than by saying, that he was superior
in nothing to the meanest of the people, and that the only
kindness which he shewed to the city was, that he did not
thrust her citizens down, into the pit. This noble-minded
and illustrious person did not wait for judgment to proceed
against him, but sentenced himself to banishment as he
deserved. So that now it is for the interest of the Barbarians
to remove him out of the way, lest he lead some of them
into impiety, for he will make his complaint, like distressed
characters in a play, to those who shall first fall in with
him.
42. To him however we will now bid a long farewell. For
yourselves there are few with whom I can compare you: I
am bound rather to honour you separately above all others,
for the great virtue and wisdom which your actions, that are
celebrated almost through the whole world, proclaim you to
possess. Go on in this sober course. I would gladly have
repeated to me a description of your conduct in such terms
of praise as it deserves; O ye who have eclipsed your prede-
cessors in the race of glory, and will be a noble example both
to those who are now alive, and to all who shall come after,
and alone have chosen for yourselves the most excellent guide
you could have for your conduct, both in word and deed, and
hesitated not a moment, but manfully transferred your affec-
tions, and gave yourselves up to the other side, leaving those
grovelling 1 and earthly teachers, and stretching forth towards 1 «w
heavenly things, under the guidance of the most venerable
George 2 , than whom no man is more perfectly instructed contr.
therein. Under him you will continue to have a good hope Hist,
respecting the future life, and will pass your time in this J 11 - 27.
present world, in rest and quietness. Would that all the pa docia,
citizens together would lay hold on his words, as a sacred
anchor, so that we might need neither knife nor cautery, for note t
those whose souls are diseased !
43. Such persons we most earnestly advise to renounce their
zeal in favour of Athanasius, and not even to remember the
foolish things which he spoke so plentifully among them.
Otherwise they will bring themselves before they are a,war$
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182 Letter of Constantius against Frumentius,
Apol. into extreme peril, from which we know not any one who will
Const. De skilful enough to deliver such factious persons. For while
1 *Wf#» that pestilent 1 fellow Athanasiusis driven from place toplawse,
being convicted of the basest crimes, for which he would only
suffer the punishment he deserves, if one were to kill him ten
times over; it would be inconsistent in us to suffer those
flatterers and juggling ministers of his to exult against us;
men of such a character as it is a shame even to speak of,
respecting whom orders have long ago been given to the
magistrates, that they should be put to death. But even now
perhaps they shall not die, if they desist from their former
offences, and repent at last. For that villain Athanasius led
them on, and corrupted the whole state, and laid his impious
and polluted hands upon the most holy things.
§. 31. 44. The following is the letter which was written to the
Princes of Auxumis respecting Frumentius Bishop of that
place.
45. Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to iEzanes
and Sazanes.
It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern
to us, to extend the knowledge of the supreme God 7 ; and I
think that the whole race of mankind claims from us equal
regard in this respect, in order that they may pass their lives
in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God, and
having no differences with each other in their enquiries
concerning justice and truth. Wherefore considering that
you are deserving of the same provident care as the Romans,
and desiring to shew equal regard for your welfare, we com-
mand that the same doctrine be professed in your Churches
as in theirs. Send therefore speedily into Egypt the Bishop
Frumentius, to the most venerable Bishop George, and the
rest who are there, who have especial authority to appoint to
these offices, and to decide questions concerning them. For
of course you know and remember (unless you alone pretend
y h rod M{urr$us yvSrtf, vid. rh avnrSt h»u in the Thalia, Oral. i» 5*
Mjrurrcfm, infr. And so in Anna's Again, r$<pUt \lnynrkt, supr. §. 30. and
Thalia, the Eternal Father, in contrast t«» ro$t*( fi$r*%$'tr»v, Kmrkw&irmff&h
to the Son, is called i *{i/<rw, rn in the Thalia, ibid. And rm Vfayn** 9
**iiTT#»«, de Synod. §. 15. So again, rm &x^eu$ iTWSi, supr. §. 30. and
Mr r\f hret rvtiitrmf, supr. §. 30. and rovrur umflwt M» in the Thalia.
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addressed to the Ethiopians.
183
to be ignorant of that which all men are well aware of) that Tr. IV.
this Frumentius was advanced to his present rank by Atha- 31 ' 32 '
nasius, a man who is guilty of ten thousand crimes; for he
has not been able fairly to clear himself of any of the
charges brought against him, but was at once deprived of his
see, and now wanders about destitute of any fixed abode, and
passes from one country to another, as if by this means he
could escape his own wickedness.
46. Now if Frumentius shall readily obey our commands,
and shall submit to an enquiry into all the circumstances of his
appointment, he will shew plainly to all men, that he is in no
respect opposed to the laws of the Church and the established 1 1
faith. And being brought to trial, when he shall have given Jf
proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an account r * ,#
of his life to those who are to judge of these things, he shall
receive his appointment from them, if it shall indeed appear
that he has any right to be a Bishop. But if he shall delay
and avoid the trial, it will surely be very evident, that he has
been induced by the persuasions of the wicked Athanasius,
thus impiously to act against divine authority, choosing to
follow the course of him whose wickedness has been made
manifest. And our fear is lest he should pass over into Au-
xumis and corrupt your people, by setting before them accursed
and impious doctrines, and not only unsettle and disturb the
Churches, and blaspheme the supreme 2 God, but also thereby 9
cause utter overthrow and destruction to the several nations r " m
whom he visits. But I am sure that Frumentius will return
home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that concern the
Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of
great and general utility, from the conversation of the most
venerable George, and such other of the Bishops, as are ex-
cellently qualified to communicate such knowledge. May
God continually preserve you, most honoured brethren.
47. Hearing, nay almost seeing, these things, through the §• 32.
mournful representations of the messengers, I confess I
turned back again into the desert, justly concluding, as your
Piety will perceive, that if I was sought after, that I might
be sent as soon as I was discovered to the Prefects 3 , 1 should 3 p. 179,
be prevented from ever coming to your Grace ; and that if
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184 Athanasius's defence of his flight.
Apol. those who would not subscribe against me, suffered so
Const, severely as they did, and the laity who refused to com-
municate with the Arians were ordered for death, there was
no doubt at all but that ten thousand new modes of de-
struction would be devised by the calumniators against me ;
and that after my death, they would employ against whom-
soever they wished to injure, whatever means they chose,
venting their lies against us the more boldly, for that then
there would no longer be any one left who could expose
them. I fled, not because I feared your Piety, (for I know
your long-suffering and goodness,) but because from what
had taken place, I perceived the spirit of my enemies, and
considered that they would make use of all possible means
to accomplish my destruction, from fear that they would be
brought to answer for what they had done contrary to the
intentions of your Excellency. For observe, your Grace
commanded that the Bishops should be expelled only out of
the cities and the province. But these worthy persons
presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged
men and Bishops venerable for their years into desert and
unfrequented and frightful places, beyond the boundaries of
three provinces'. Some of them were sent off from Libya to
the great Oasis; others from the Thebais to Ammoniaca
in Libya.
48. Neither was it from fear of death that I fled; let none of
them condemn me as guilty of cowardice ; but because it is
1 vid. the injunction of our Saviour 1 that we should flee when we
Fug. de are persecuted, and hide ourselves when we are sought after,
188 P an( * not ex P ose ourse l ves to certain dangers, nor by appear-
ing before our persecutors inflame still more their rage
against us. For to give one's self up to one's enemies to be
murdered, is the same thing as to murder one's self ; but to
flee, as our Saviour has enjoined, is to know our time, and to
manifest a real concern for our persecutors, lest if they pro-
ceed to the shedding of blood, they become guilty of the
2<r°i3 trans S ress ^ on °f tne * aw > r ^ l0U shalt not kill. And yet these
1 Egypt was divided into three Pro- Orlendini Orbis Sacer et Prof. vol. i.
vinces till Hadrian's time, Egypt, p. 1 18. The Province specially spoken
Libya, and Pentapolis ; Hadrian made of seems to be Egypt, which Augustus
them four; Epiphanius speaks of them kept in his own hands, vid. supr. p. 5>
as seven. Hter. 68. 1. By the time of note d. p. 116, r. 1.
Arcadius they had become eight, vid.
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Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins. 185
men by their calumnies against me, earnestly wish that ITr.IV.
should suffer death. iHi^i
49. What they have again lately done proves that this is their
desire and murderous intention. You will be astonished, I
am sure, most religious Augustus, when you hear it; it is
indeed an outrage worthy of amazement. What it is, I pray
yon briefly to hear. The Son of God, our Lord and Saviour §. 33.
Jesus Christ, having become man for our sakes, and having
destroyed death, and delivered our race from the bondage of
corruption, in addition to all His other benefits bestowed
this also upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the
state of virginity, a picture of the holiness of Angels. Ac-
cordingly such as have attained this virtue, the Catholic
Church has been accustomed to call the brides 1 of Christ. 1 »4«f«f
And the heathen who see them express their admiration
of them as the temples of the Word. For indeed this holy
and heavenly profession is no where established, but only
among us Christians, and it is a very strong argument that
with us is to be found the genuine and true religion. Your
most religious father Constantine Augustus, of blessed
memory 2 , honoured the Virgins above all other orders, and 2 ^^-
your Piety in several letters has given them the titles of the
honourable and holy women. But now these worthy Arians JJJ 1 ^'
who have slandered me, and by whom conspiracies have '
been formed against most of the Bishops, having obtained
the consent and cooperation of the magistrates, first stripped
them, and then caused them to be suspended upon what are
called the Hermetaries 3 , and scourged them on the ribs so 3 a rack,
severely three several times, that not even real malefactors Tm™ 9
have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to gratify the Jews °f "J^**
old, pierced one of our Saviour's sides with a spear. These p. 169 "
men have exceeded the madness of Pilate, for they have
scourged not one but both His sides ; for the limbs of the
Virgins are in an especial manner the Saviour's own.
50. All men shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like
these. These men alone, not only did not fear to strip and
to scourge those undefiled limbs, which the Virgins had
dedicated solely to our Saviour Christ ; but, what is worse
than all, when they were reproached by every one for such
extreme cruelty, instead of manifesting any shame, they
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186 He expostulates with Constantius.
A pol. pretended that it was commanded by your Piety. So
Const, utterly presumptuous are they and full of wicked thoughts
and purposes. Such a deed as this was never heard of in
Wid. past persecutions 1 : or supposing that it ever occurred
Arf§.40. before* yet surely it was not befitting either that Virginity
$• 64 - should suffer such outrage and dishonour, in the time of
your Majesty a Christian Prince, or that these men should
impute to your Piety their own cruelty. Such wickedness
belongs only to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of God, and
to do violence to His holy Virgins.
§• 34. 51. Now when such enormities as these were again per-
petrated by the Arians, I surely was not wrong in complying
Is. 26, with the direction of Holy Scripture, which says, Hide
* * thyself for a little moment, until the indignation be over-
past. This was another reason for my withdrawing myself,
most religious Augustus ; and I refused not, either to depart
into the desert, or, if need were, to be let down from a wall
in a basket. I endured every thing, I even dwelt among
wild beasts, that your favour might return to me, waiting for
an opportunity to offer to you this my defence, confident as
I am that they will be condemned, and your goodness
manifested unto me.
52. O, Augustus, blessed and beloved of God, what would
you have bad me to do ? to come to you while my calumni-
ators were inflamed with rage against me, and were seeking
to kill me ; or, as it is written, to bide myself a little, that
in the mean time they might be condemned as heretics, and
your goodness might be manifested unto me ? or would you
have had me, Sire, to appear before your magistrates, in order
that though you had written merely in the way of threaten-
ing, they not understanding your intention, but being ex-
asperated against me by the Arians, might kill me on the
authority of your letters, and on that ground ascribed the
murder to you ? It would neither have been becoming in me
to surrender, and give myself up that my blood might be
shed, nor in you, as a Christian King, to have the murder
of Christians, and those too Bishops, imputed unto you.
§. 35. 53. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait
for this opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your know-
ledge of the sacred Scriptures you will assent and approve
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He expostulates with Constant ius. 187
of my conduct in this respect For you will perceive that, Tr. IV.
now those who exasperated you against us have been —
silenced, your righteous clemency is apparent, and it is
proved to all men that you never persecuted the Christians
at all, but that it was they who made the Churches desolate,
that they might sow the seeds 1 of their own impiety every 1 vol. 8.
where ; on account of which I also, had I not fled, should J 0 ^i.
long ago have suffered from their treachery. For it is very
evident that they who scrupled not to utter such calumnies
against me, before the great Augustus, and who so violently
assailed Bishops and Virgins, sought also to compass my
death. But thanks be to the Lord who has given you this
kingdom. All men are confirmed in their opinion of your
goodness, and of their wickedness, from which I fled at the
first, that I might now make this appeal unto you, and that
you might find some one towards whom you may shew
kindness. I beseech you therefore, forasmuch as it is
written, A soft answer turneth away wrath, and, righteous Pnm
thoughts are acceptable unto the King ; receive this my
defence, and restore all the Bishops and the rest of the^-P*
Clergy to their countries and their Churches; so that the
wickedness of my accusers may be made manifest, and that
you, both now and in the day of judgment, may have
boldness to say to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the
King of all, " None of Thine have I lost, but these are they John
who designed the ruin of all, while I was grieved for those 18 ' 9 *
who perished, and for the Virgins who were scourged, and
for all other things that were committed against the Christians;
and I brought back them that were banished, and restored
them to their own Churches."
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V.
APOLOGY
OF OUR
HOLY FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
IN VINDICATION OF HIS FLIGHT,
WHEN HE WAS PERSECUTED BY DUKE SYRIANUS.
[This Apology seems to have heen written A.D. 357 or 358. The
circumstances which led to it are mentioned in the opening sentences.
From what he says to Constantius in the foregoing work, p. 177, it might
almost he said that, in addition to the considerations insisted on in the
following argument, he considered that the command of the Emperor would
in itself have heen a sufficient reason for his leaving his Church ; and it was
because he had not received it, that he had not left it before. Now the
violence of Syrianus, acknowledged as it was by Coustantius, was of the
nature of a command. The real reason however was, that, if he had been
cut off, there was no one to take his place, vid. supr. p. 184.]
§.1. 1. I hear that Leontius 1 , now in the see of Antioch, and
§ ^6 Narcissus 8 of the city of Nero, and George 5 , now of Laodicea,
* vol. 8. and the Arians who are leagued with them, are spreading
supr. p. abroad many slanderous reports concerning me, charging me
74, &c. with cowardice, because forsooth, when myself was sought
by them, I did not surrender myself into their hands. Now
as to their imputations and calumnies, although there are
many things that I could write, which they are unable to
deny, and which all who have heard of their proceedings
know to be true, yet I shall not be prevailed upon to make
any reply to them, except only to remind them of the words
▼id. i of our Lord, and of the declaration of the Apostle, that a lie
21. 9 °f Me Devil, and that, revilers shall not inherit the kingdom
iCor.6,^ God. For it is sufficient thereby to prove, that neither
their thoughts nor their words are according to the Gospel,
but that after their own pleasure, whatsoever themselves desire,
that they think to be good.
§. 2. 9. But forasmuch as they pretend to charge me with coward-
ice, it is necessary that I should write somewhat concerning this,
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Insincerity of the Arians in their charge against A than. 189
whereby it shall be proved that they are men of wicked Tr. v.
minds, who have not read the sacred Scriptures: or if they — - —
have read them, that they do not believe the divine inspira-
tion of the oracles they contain. For had they believed this,
they would never have dared to act contrary to them, nor
have imitated the malice of the Jews who slew the Lord.
For God having given them a commandment, Honour thy Mat. 15,
father and thy mother, and, He that curseth father or mother, 4 '
let him die the death; that people established a contrary
law, changing the honour into dishonour, and alienating to
other uses the money which was due from the children to
their parents. And though they had read what David did,
they acted in contradiction to his example, and accused the
guiltless for plucking the ears of corn, and rubbing them in
their hands on the Sabbath day. Not that they cared either
for the laws, or for the Sabbath, for they were guilty of
greater transgressions of the law on that day: but being
wicked-minded, they grudged the disciples the way of salva-
tion, and desired that their own private notions should have
the sole pre-eminence. They however have received the
reward of their iniquity, having ceased to be an holy nation,
and being counted henceforth as the rulers of Sodom, and
as the people of Gomorrah.
3. And these men likewise, not less than they, seem to me to
have received their punishment already in the ignorance with
which their own folly possesses them. For they understand
not what they say, but think that they know things of which
they are ignorant ; while the only knowledge that is in them
is to do evil, and to frame devices more and more wicked day
by day. Thus they reproach me with my present flight, not
for the sake of my character, as wishing me to shew my man-
liness by coming forward; (how is it possible that such a
wish can be entertained by enemies in behalf of those who
run not with them in the same career of madness?) but being
full of malice, they pretend this, and whisper 1 up and down Vi<i/V-
that such is the case, thinking, foolish as indeed they are,^
that through fear of their revilings, I shall yet be induced to ™te y.
give myself up to them. For this is what they desire: to^az.
accomplish this they have recourse to all kinds of schemes : ^ r * t 27 -
they pretend themselves to be friends, while they search after
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190 Outrages of the Avians against the Bishops.
Apol. me as enemies, to the end that they may glut themselves with
Fliobt. m y blood, and put me also out of the way, because I have
always opposed and do still oppose their impiety, and con-
fute and brand their heresy.
§. 3. 4, For whom have they ever persecuted and taken, that they
have not insulted and injured as they pleased ? Whom have
they ever sought after and found, that they have not handled
in such a manner, that either he has died a miserable
1 *"' r "- death, or has been illtreated in every member 1 ? Whatever
the magistrates appear to do, it is their work ; and the other
are merely the tools of their will and wickedness. In con-
sequence, where is there a place that has not some memorial
of their wickedness ? Who has ever opposed them, without
their conspiring against him, inventing pretexts for his ruin
after the manner of Jezebel ? Where is there a Church that
is not at this moment lamenting the success of their plots
against her Bishops ? Antioch is mourning for the orthodox
Confessor Eustathius*; Balaneae for the most admirable
^Hiat^ Euphration 8 ; Paltus and Antaradus for Cymatius 8 and Carte-
'rius; Adrianople for that lover of Christ, Eutropius, and after
him for Lucius, who was often loaded with chains by their
means, and so perished; Ancyra mourns for Marcellus,
»Beroa, Berrhcea 3 for Cyrus 8 , Gaza for Asclepas.
Arfs. °* Of all these, after inflicting many outrages, they by their
intrigues procured the banishment; but for Theodulus and
Olympius, Bishops of Thrace, and for me and my Presbyters,
they caused diligent search to be made, to the intent that if we
were discovered we should suffer capital punishment: and pro-
* vid. Hist. Arian. $. 4. also Theo- Arianism, which was not terminated
doret Hist. i. 20. Eustathius was one till the time of S. Chrysostom. The
of the original opponent* of Arianism. name of Euphration occurs de Syn. 17.
S. Alexander wrote to him (then Bishop (tr. vol. 8. p. 99.) as the Bishop to whom
of Berrhcea) against Arius, as well as to Eusebius of Csesarea wrote an heretical
Philogonius of Antioch and Alexander letter. Balane® is on the Syrian coast,
of Constantinople. He was deposed Paltus also and Antaradus are in
by the Arians A.D. 331, on the pre- Syria, and these persecutions took
tence of Sahellianism and perhaps of place about A.D. 340; that of Eutropius,
incontinency. Montfaucon, however, and of Lucius his successor, about 332,
doubts whether the latter was ever shortly after the proceedings against
made a charge, though Theodoret Eustathius. Cyrus too was banished
mentions it. V. Athan. p. 14. Another under pretence of Sahellianism about
reason isgiven Hist. Arian. loc. cit. The 340. Asclepas has been mentioned supr.
orthodox succession was continued, p. 69. note e. For Theodulus and Olym-
though dispossessed, and gave occasion pius vid. Hist. Arian. $. 19. and supr.
to the schism, after the overthrow of p. 71. note g.
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Praises of Hosius. 191
bably we should have so perished, had we not fled at that very Tb. v.
time contrarv to their intentions* For letters to that effect were 3 **'
delivered to the Proconsul Donatus against Olympius and his
friends, and to Philagrius respecting me. And having raised
a persecution against Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, as soon
as they found him, they caused him to be openly strangled 11 infr.
at a place called Cucusus iu Cappadocia, employing as their Arian.
executioner for the purpose Philip, who was Prefect. He §• 4 -
was a patron of their heresy, and the tool of their wicked
designs.
6. Are they then satisfied with all this, and content to be §.4.
quiet for the future ? By no means ; they have not given over
yet, but like the horseleach* in the Proverbs, they revel more 3 Hist,
and more in their wickedness, and fix themselves upon the£^£™'
larger dioceses. Who can adequately describe the enormities
they have already perpetrated ? who is able tq recount all
the deeds that they have done ? Even very lately, while the
Churches were at peace, and the people worshipping in their
congregations, Liberius Bishop of Rome, Paulinus 3 Metro- 3 of
politan of Gaul, Dionysius 4 Metropolitan of Italy, Lucifer 6 4 0 f V MU
Metropolitan of the Sardinian islands, and Eusebius 6 o( l ^ c ^
Italy, all of them excellent Bishops and preachers of the^iiari.
truth, were seized and banished, on no pretence whatever, c l\\^ er '
except that they would not unite themselves to the Arian
heresy, nor subscribe to the accusations and calumnies which
they had invented against me.
7. Of the great Hosius, who answers to his name, that con- §. 5.
fessor of an happy old age 7 , it is superfluous for me to speak, 7 tbynp-
for I suppose it is known unto all men that they caused him 'J^supr.
also to be banished; for he is not an obscure person, but p- 70.
of all men the most illustrious, and more than this. When
was there a Council held, in which he did not take the lead,
and convince every one by his orthodoxy ? Where is there
a Church that does not possess some glorious monuments of
his patronage? Who has ever come to him in sorrow, and has
not gone away rejoicing ? What needy person ever asked
his aid, and did not obtain what he desired? And yet even
on this man they made their assault, because knowing the
calumnies which they invent in behalf of their iniquity, he
would not subscribe to their designs against me. And if
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192 Outrages of George upon the Alexandrians.
A pol. afterwards, upon the repeated blows that were inflicted upon
Flight. n ^ m aDove measure, and the conspiracies that were formed
against his kinsfolk, he yielded to them for a time, as being
old and infirm in body, yet at least their wickedness was
shewn even in this circumstance; so zealously did they
1 infr. endeavour by all means to prove that they were not truly
init. Christians 1 .
§. 6. 8. After this they again fastened themselves upon Alexan-
dria, seeking anew to put me to death : and their proceedings
were now worse than before. For on a sudden the Church
was surrounded by soldiers, and deeds of war took the place
8 vol. 8. of prayers. Then George* of Cappadocia who was sent by
note 3 */ them, having arrived during the season of Lent 3 , brought an
supr. p. increase of evils which they had taught him. For after
3 supr. Easter week, Virgins were thrown into prison ; Bishops were
noteh led away in chains by soldiers; the houses of orphans and
widows were plundered, and their bread taken away ; attacks
were made upon houses, and Christians thrust forth in the
night, and their dwellings sealed up: the brothers of clergy-
men were in danger of their lives on account of their rela-
tions.
9. These outrages were sufficiently dreadful, but more dread-
ful than these followed. For on the week that succeeded the
Holy Pentecost, when the people after their fast had gone
out to the cemetery to pray, because that all refused commu-
nion with George, that abandoned person, understanding this
to be the case, stirred up against them the commander
Sebastian, a Manichee ; who straightway with a multitude of
soldiers with arms, drawn swords, bows, and spears, proceeded
to attack the people, though it was the Lord's day: and find-
ing a few praying, (for the greater part had already retired on
account of the lateness of the hour,) he committed such out-
rages as became a disciple of these men. H aving lighted a
pile, he placed certain virgins near the firei, and endeavoured
to force them to say that they were of the Arian faith : and
where he saw that they were getting the mastery, and cared
not for the fire, he immediately stripped them naked, and
wounded their faces in such a manner, that for some time
they could hardly be recognised.
§,7. 10. And having seized upon forty men, he beat them after a
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Outrages of George. 193
new fashion. Cutting some fresh twigs of the palm tree Tr. v.
with the thorns upon them 1 , he scourged them on the back so 1 ^ j ■
severely, that some of them were for a long time under me- Ariaiu
dical treatment on account of the thorns which had entered 72 '
their flesh, and others unable to bear up under their sufferings
died. All those whom they had taken, both the men and
the virgins, they sent away together into banishment to the
great Oasis. And the bodies of those who had perished
they would not at first suffer to be given up to their friends,
but concealed them in any way they pleased, and cast them
out without burial 8 , in order that they might not appear to 2 ibid,
have any knowledge of these cruel proceedings. But herein l^r. p°
their deluded minds greatly misled them. For the relatives l78 «
of the dead, both rejoicing at the confession, and grieving
for the bodies of their friends, published abroad so much the
more this proof of their impiety and cruelty. Moreover they 3 i6,ibid.
immediately banished out of Egypt and Libya the following Hist.
Bishops 3 , Ammonius, Mu'ius, Gaius,Philo 4 , Hermes, Plenius,^g|^ 2 *
Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agathus, Anagamphus, Marcus, Am- ron. V.
monius, another Marcus, Dracontius 6 , Adelphius 6 , Athenodo- ^3"'
rus, and the Presbyters, Hierax 7 , and Dioscorus; whom they perhaps
drove forth under such cruel treatment, that some of them * e ^ 1 "
died on the way, and others in the place of their banishment. A - D.
They caused also more than thirty Bishops to take to flight; 5 a dbra-
for their desire was, after the example of Ahab, if it were? 011 *'.
6 ad A-
possible, utterly to root out the truth. Such are the enormi- delph.
ties of which these impious men have been guilty. con?io~
11. But although they have done all this, yet they are not §. 8.
ashamed of the evils they have already contrived against me,
but proceed now to accuse me, because I have been able to
escape their murderous hands. Nay, they bitterly bewail
themselves, that they have not effectually put me out of the
way ; and so they pretend to reproach me with cowardice,
not perceiving that by thus murmuring against me, they
rather turn the blame upon themselves. For if it be a bad
thing to flee, it is much worse to persecute ; for the one party
hides himself to escape death, the other persecutes with a
desire to kill; and it is written in the Scriptures that we
ought to flee, but he that seeks to destroy transgresses the
law, nay, and is himself the occasion of the other's flight. If
o
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194 If it be a sin to flee, it is a greater to cause to flee.
Apol. then they reproach me with my flight, let them be more
Flight ashamed of their own persecution 1 . Let them cease to com-
r^jd] pass my destruction, and I shall without delay cease to
12. But they, instead of giving over their wickedness, are
employing every means to obtain possession of my person,
not perceiving that the flight of those who are persecuted is a
strong argument against them that persecute. For no man
flees from the gentle and the humane, but from the cruel and
l Sam. the evil-minded. Every one that was in distress, and every
221 " one that was in debt, fled from Saul, and took refuge with
David. But this is the reason why these men desire to cut
off those who are in concealment, that there may be no
evidence forthcoming of their wickedness. But herein their
minds seem to be blinded with their usual error. For the
more the flight of their enemies becomes known, so much
the more notorious will be the destruction or the banishment
Arian wn * cn tne ^ r treachery has brought upon them 8 ; so that whe-
§.34.35. ther they kill them outright, their death will be the more
loudly noised abroad against them, or whether they drive
them into banishment, they will but be sending forth every
where monuments of their own iniquity.
§• 9. 13. Now if they had been of sound mind, they would have
seen that they were in this strait, and that they were defeated
by their own arguments. But since they have lost all judg-
ment, they are still led on to persecute, and seek to destroy,
and yet perceive not their own impiety. It may be they even
venture to accuse Providence itself, (for nothing is beyond
the reach of their presumption,) that it does not deliver up to
them those whom they desire, certain as it is, according to the
saying of our Saviour, that not even a sparrow can fall into
3 p. 199, the net 3 without our Father which is in heaven. But when
these bad spirits obtain possession of any one, they imme-
diately forget not only all other, but even themselves; and
raising their brow in very haughtiness, they neither acknow-
ledge times and seasons, nor respect human nature in those
lis' 9 * w ^ om *k ev injure. Like the tyrant of Babylon 4 , they attack
more furiously; they shew pity to none, but mercilessly upon
l8A 7> 6 'the ancient, as it is written, they very heavily lay the yoke,
Va. 69, tne y ac i € i to f n e grief of them that are wounded.
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They grieved not that A than. was coward jbut thathewasfree. 1 95
14. Had they not acted in this manner; had they not driven Tr. v.
into banishment those who spoke in my defence against their 9 ' 10 '
calumnies, their representations might have appeared to
some persons sufficiently plausible. But since they have
conspired against so many other Bishops of high character,
and have spared neither the great confessor Hosius, nor the
Bishop of Rome, nor so many others from Spain and Gaul*
and Egypt, and Libya, and the other countries, but have
committed such cruel outrages against all who have in any
way opposed them in my behalf ; is it not plain that their
designs have been directed rather against me than against
any other, and that their desire is miserably to destroy me as
they have done others? To accomplish this they vigilantly
watch for an opportunity, and think themselves injured, when
they see those safe, whom they wish not to live. Who then §. 10.
does not perceive their profligacy ? Is it not very evident to
every one that they do not reproach me with cowardice from
regard to my character, but that being athirst for blood, they
employ these their base devices as a snare, thinking thereby
to catch those whom they seek to destroy ? That such is their
character is shewn by their actions, which have convicted
them of possessing dispositions more savage than wild beasts,
and more cruel than the Babylonians 1 . But although the 1 p. 194.
proof against them is sufficiently clear from all this, yet
since they still dissemble with soft words after the manner of
their father the devil, and pretend to charge me with cow- John 8,
ardice, while they are themselves more cowardly than hares ; 44 *
let us consider what is written in the sacred Scriptures re-
specting such cases as this. For thus they will be shewn to
fight against the Scriptures no less than against me, while
they detract from the virtues of the Saints.
15. For if they reproach men for hiding themselves from
those who seek to destroy them, and accuse those who flee
from their persecutors, what will they do when they see Jacob
fleeing from his brother Esau, and Moses withdrawing into
Midian for fear of Pharaoh ? What excuse will they make for
David, after all this idle talk, for fleeing from his house on
account of Saul, where he sent to kill him, and for hiding
himself in the cave, and for changing his appearance, until 'Achish,
he withdrew from Abimelech 9 , and escaped his designs 21^*13.'
o 2
Digitized by
196 Examples of Scripture Saints in defence of flight.
Apol. against him ? What will they say, they who are ready to say
F^o* T .any thing, when they see the great Elias, after calling upon
_ raising the dead, hiding himself for fear of Ahab,
and fleeing from the threats of Jezebel ? At which time also
the sons of the prophets, when they were sought after, hid
t x themselves with the assistance of Abdias, and lay concealed
* Hist. . 9 J
Ar.§.53. in caves \
§. 11. 16. Perhaps they have not read these histories^ as being out
of date ; yet have they no recollection of what is written in the
Gospel ? For the disciples also withdrew and hid themselves
for fear of the Jews ; and Paul, when he was sought after by
the governor at Damascus, was let down from the wall in a
basket, and so escaped his hands. As the Scripture then
relates these things of the Saints, what excuse will they be
able to invent for their wickedness ? To reproach them with
cowardice would be an act of madness, and to accuse them of
acting contrary to the will of God, would be to shew them-
selves entirely ignorant of the Scriptures. For there was a com-
Ex. 21, mand under the Law that cities of refuge should be appointed,
in order that they who were sought after to be put to death,
might at least have some means of saving themselves. And
when He who spake unto Moses, the Word of the Father,
appeared in the end of the world, He also gave this corn-
Mat. 10, mandment, saying, But when they persecute you in this city,
Mat.24,^*y* into another : and shortly after He says, When ye there-
It. fore shall see the abomination qf desolation, spoken qf by
Daniel the prophet, stand in the holy place, (whoso readeth,
let Mm understand;) then let them which be in Judeaflee
into the mountains: let him which is on the housetop not
come down to take any thing out qf his house : neither let
him which is in the field return back to take his clothes.
Knowing these things, the Saints regulated their conduct
2 «•« accordingly. For what our Lord has now commanded, the
same a ^ so He spoke by His Saints before His coming in the
*i*t> flesh 2 : and this is the rule which is given unto men to lead
p! P i29, them to perfection, — what God commands, that to do.
% 3 \2 l7 ' ^ nere *° re *^ so tne Word Himself, being made man for
^* " our sakes, condescended to hide Himself when He was sought
after, as we do : and also when He was persecuted, to flee
and avoid the designs of His enemies. For it became Him,
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Example of our Lord.
197
as by hunger and thirst and suffering, so also by hiding Tr. v.
Himself and fleeing, to shew that He had taken our flesh, } lm ~ l3m
and was made man. Thus at the very first, as soon as He
became man, when He was a little child, He Himself by
His Angel commanded Joseph, Arise, and take the young WL&t. 2,
Child and His Mother, and flee into Egypt; for Herod will 13 '
seek the young ChilcTs life. And when Herod was dead, we
find Him withdrawing to Nazareth for fear of Archelaus his
son. And when afterwards He was shewing Himself to be
God, and made whole the withered hand, the Pharisees went .
out, and held a council against Him, how they might destroy
Him ; but when Jesus knew it, He withdrew Himself from Mat.26,
thence. So also when He raised Lazarus from the dead,
from that day forth, says the Scripture, they took counsel for Johnii,
to put Him to death. Jesus therefore walked no more openly 63> 64 "
among the Jews ; but went thence into a country near to the
wilderness. Again, when our Saviour said, Before Abraham John 8,
was, I am, the Jews took up stones to cast at Him; but Jesus 5Sf 59 '
hid Himself, and went out of the temple. And going through Luke 4,
the midst of them, He went His way, and so passed by. 30 '
When they see these things, or rather when they hear of§. 13.
them, for see they do not, will they not desire, as it is written,
to become fuel of fire, because their counsels and their words Is. 9, 5.
are contrary to what the Lord both did and taught ? Also
when John was martyred, and his disciples buried his body,
when Jesus heard of it, He departed thence by ship into a Mat.14,
desert place apart. 3 '
18. Thus the Lord acted, and thus He taught. Would that
these men were even now ashamed of their conduct, and con-
fined their rashness to man, nor proceeded to such extreme
madness as even to charge our Saviour with cowardice ! for
it is against Him that they now utter their blasphemies. But
no one will endure such madness ; nay it will be seen that
they do not understand the Gospels. The cause must be a
reasonable and just one, which the Evangelists represent as
weighing with our Saviour to withdraw and to flee; and we
ought therefore to assign the same for the conduct of all the
Saints. (For whatever is written concerning our Saviour in
His human nature, ought to be considered as applying to the
whole race of mankind 1 ; because He took our body, and ex- 1 vol. 8.
p. 241.
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198
An hour and a time for aU men.
A pol. hibited in Himself human infirmity.) Now of this cause John
Flight. h as written thus, They sought to take Him: but no man laid
John 7, hands on Him, because His hour was not yet come. And
John 2 before it came, He Himself said to His Mother, Mine hour is
4. ' not yet come: and to them who are called His brethren, My
John 7, fi me fa nQ t come ^nd again, when His time was come,
Mat26, He said to the disciples, Sleep on now, and take your rest :
46, for behold, the hour is at hand, and the Son of man is betrayed
into the hands of sinners.
§.14. 1 9. Now in so far as He was God and the Word of the Father,
^oi.s. He had no time; for He is Himself the Creator of times 1 ,
noten. being made man, He shews by speaking in this man-
ner that there is a time allotted to every man; and that not
by chance, as some of the Gentiles imagine in their fables,
but a time which He, the Creator, has appointed to every
one according to the will of the Father. This is written in
Eccles. the Scriptures, and is manifest to all men. For although it
' * be hidden and unknown to all, what period of time is allotted
to each, and how it is allotted ; yet every one knows this, that
as there is a time for spring and for summer, and for autumn
and for winter, so, as it is written, there is a time to die, and
a time to live. And so the time of the generation which lived
in the days of Noah was cut short, and their years were con*
tracted, because the time of all things was at hand. But to
Hezekiah were added fifteen years. And as God promises to
Gen.26, them that serve Him truly, I will fulfil the number of thy
8 ' days; Abraham dies full of days, and David besought God,
Ps. 102, saying, Take me not away in the midst of my days. And
24. Elfphaz, one of the friends of Job, being assured of this truth,
Job 6, said, Thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age, like as a
shock qf corn comet h hi in his season. And Solomon confirm-
ed, ing his words, says, The souls of the unrighteous are taken
lo r ,°27. away untimely. And therefore he exhorts in the book of
Eccles. Ecclesiastes, saying, Be not overmuch wicked, neither be
17 ' thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?
§.15. 20. Now as these things are written in the Scriptures, the case
cred 8 *" * s c * ear > tnat tne saints 2 knew that a certain time was allotted
writer*, to every man, but that no one knows the end of that time, is
i28^r. P 2.pl aml y intimated by the words of David, Declare unto me
Ph. 102, the shortness of my days. What he did not know, that he
23. Sept.
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Our Lord's hour and time.
199
desired to be informed of. Accordingly the rich man also, Tr. v.
while he thought that he had yet a long time to live, heard l5> l6 '
the words, Thou fool, this night thy soul shall be required t^Luke
thee: then whose shall those things be which thou hast pro- 9
vided? And the Preacher speaks confidently in the Holy
Spirit, and says, Man also knoweth not his time. Wherefore Eccles.
the Patriarch Isaac said to his son Esau, Behold, I am old, Gen. 27,
and I know not the day qfmy death. 2#
21. Our Lord therefore, although as God, and the Word of
the Father, He both knew the period which He had allotted to
all, and was conscious of the time for suffering, which He Him-
self had appointed also to His own body ; yet since He was
made man for our sakes, He hid Himself when He was sought
after before that time came, as we do ; when He was perse-
cuted, He fled; and avoiding the designs of His enemies He
passed by, and so went through the midst qf them. But Luke 4,
when He had brought on that time which He Himself had 30#
appointed, at which He desired to suffer in the body for all
men, He announces it to the Father, saying, Father, the hour Johnir,
is come; glorify Thy Son. And then He no longer hid Him- l '
self from those who sought Him, but stood willing to be taken
by them ; for the Scripture says, He said to them that came
unto Him, Wliom seek ye f and when they answered, Jesus Johnis,
qf Nazareth, He saith unto them, / am He whom ye seek. 4> 5 *
And this He did even more than once; and so they straightway
led Him away to Pilate. He neither suffered Himself to be
taken before the time came, nor did He hide Himself when
it was come ; but gave Himself up to them that conspired
against Him, that He might shew to all men that the life and
death of man depends upon the divine sentence ; and that vid.
without our Father which is in heaven, neither a hair of man's ^'Jq'
head can become white or black, nor a sparrow fall into the 29/
nef. 'A 19 *'
22. Our Lord therefore, as I said before, thus offered Himself §. 16.
for all; and the Saints having received this example from
their Saviour, (for all of them before His coming, nay always,
were under His teaching 2 ,) in their conflicts with their 8 vol. 8.
persecutors acted lawfully in flying, and hiding themselves Jotfc.'
when they were sought after. And being ignorant, as men,
of the end of the time which Providence had appointed unto
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Google
200 A time to flee and a time to stay.
Apol. them, they were unwilling at once to deliver themselves up
Flight.* 11 * 0 the P ower of those who conspired against them. But
Ps. 31, knowing on the other hand what is written, that the times
] 6 ' of man are in God's hand, and that the Lord killeth, and
1 Sam. .
3, 6. the Lord maketh alive, they the rather endured unto the
Heb.n,end, wandering about, as the Apostle has spoken, in sheep-
skins, and goatskins, being destitute, tormented, wandering
in deserts, and hiding themselves in dens and caves qf the
earth; until either the appointed time of death arrived, or
God who had appointed their time spake unto them, and
stayed the designs of their enemies, or else delivered up the
persecuted to their persecutors, according as it seemed to
Him to be good. This we may well learn respecting all men
from David: for when Joab instigated him to slay Saul, he
l Sam. S aid, As the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him ; or his
26 1Q
ii J ' day shall come to die; or he shall descend into battle, and
perish; the Lord forbid that I should stretch forth my hand
against the Lord? 8 anointed.
§. 17. 23. And if ever in their flight they voluntarily came unto
those that sought after them, they did not do so without
reason: but when the Spirit spoke unto them, then as
righteous men they went and met their enemies ; by which
they also shewed their obedience and zeal towards God.
Such was the conduct of Elias, when, being commanded by
the Spirit, he shewed himself unto Ahab; and of Micaiah
the prophet when he came to the same Ahab; and of the
prophet who cried against the altar in Samaria, and rebuked
Jeroboam; and of Paul when he appealed unto Caesar. It
was not certainly through cowardice that they fled: God
forbid. The flight to which they submitted was rather a
conflict and war against death. For with wise caution they
guarded against these two things; either that they should
offer themselves up without reason, (for this would have
been to kill themselves, and to become guilty of death, and
Mat.i9,to transgress that saying of the Lord, What God hath joined,
6 * let not man put asunder;) or that they should willingly
subject themselves to the reproach of negligence, as if they
were unmoved by the tribulations which they met with in
, ^ their flight, and which brought with them sufferings greater and
supr.p. more terrible than death. For he that dies, ceases to suffer 1 ;
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A life of flight worse than death.
201
but he that flies, while he expects daily the assaults of his Tr. v.
enemies, esteems death a lighter evil. They therefore whose 17 9 18 *
course was consummated in their flight did not perish dis-
honourably, but attained as well as others the glory of
martyrdom. Therefore it is that Job is accounted a man
of mighty fortitude, because he endured to live under so
many and such severe sufferings, of which he would have
had no perception, had he come to his end.
24. Wherefore the blessed Fathers thus regulated their con-
duct also ; they shewed no cowardice in fleeing from the perse-
cutor, but rather manifested their fortitude of soul in shutting
themselves up in close and dark places, and living a hard
life. Yet did they not desire to avoid the time of death when
it arrived; for their concern was neither to shrink from it
when it came, nor to forestall the sentence determined by
Providence, nor to resist His dispensation, for which they
knew themselves to be preserved ; lest by acting hastily, they
should become to themselves the cause of terror: for thus
it is written, He that is hasty with his lips, shall bring terror Proy.
upon himself. Sept."
25. Of a truth no one can possibly doubt that they were 18.
well furnished with the virtue of fortitude. For the Patriarch
Jacob who had before fled from Esau, feared not death when
it came, but at that very time blessed the Patriarchs, each
according to his deserts. And the great Moses who pre-
viously had hid himself from Pharaoh, and had withdrawn
into Midian for fear of him, when he received the command-
ment, Go into Egypt, feared not to do so. And again when vid. Ex.
he was bidden to go up into the mountain Abarim and die, '
he delayed not through cowardice, but even joyfully proceeded
thither. And David who had before fled from Saul, feared
not to risk his life in war in defence of his people; but
having the choice of death or of flight set before him, when
he might have fled and lived, he wisely preferred death.
And the great Elias who had at a former time hid himself
from Jezebel, shewed no cowardice when he was commanded
by the Spirit to meet Ahab, and to reprove Ochozias. And
Peter who had hid himself for fear of he Jews, and the
Apostle Paul who was let down in a basket, and fled, when
they were told, Ye must bear witness at Rome, deferred not™ ,, ^ ct8
Digitized by Google
202 The Saints courageous in their/light, and divinely favoured.
Apol. the journey; yea, rather, they departed rejoicing 1 ; the one
Flight. 35 hastening to meet his friends, received his death with
irid. exultation; and the other shrunk not from the time when it
Hist*ii came > but gloried in it, saying, For I am now ready to be
26. offered, and the time of my departure is at hand.
2Tim.4, These things both prove that their previous flight was
§. 19. not the effect of cowardice; and testify that their after con-
duct also was of no ordinary character : and they loudly pro-
claim that they possessed in a high degree the virtue of
fortitude. For neither did they withdraw themselves to
gratify a slothful timidity, seeing they were at such times
2 under the practice of a severer discipline 2 than at others; nor
*ll»fa*t were they condemned for their flight, or charged with cow-
ardice, by such as are now so fond of criminating others.
Nay they were blessed through that declaration of our Lord,
Mat. 5, Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness^ sake.
Nor yet were these their sufferings without profit to them-
selves; for having tried them as gold in the furnace, as the
Book of Wisdom has said, God found them worthy for Him-
self. And then they shone the more like sparks, being saved
from them that persecuted them, and delivered from the de-
signs of their enemies, and preserved to the end that they
might teach the people, that their flight and escape from the
rage of them that sought after them, was according to the dis-
pensation of the Lord. And so they became dear in the
sight of God, and obtained the most glorious testimony to
their fortitude.
§. 20. 27. Thus, for example, the Patriarch Jacob was favoured in
his flight with many, even divine visions, and remaining quiet
himself, he had the Lord on his side, rebuking Laban, and
hindering the designs of Esau; and afterwards he became
the father of Judah, of whom sprang the Lord according to
the flesh ; and he dispensed the blessings to the Patriarchs.
And Moses the beloved of God, when he was in exile, then
it was that he saw that great sight, and being preserved from
his persecutors, was sent as a prophet into Egypt, and being
made the minister of those mighty wonders and of the Law,
he led that great people in the wilderness. And David when
Pg.46,i.he was persecuted wrote the Psalm, My heart is inditing a
Pa.50,3.good matter; and, Our God shall come, and shall not keep
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Tlie Saints fled that the truth might escape. 203
silence. And again he speaks more confidently, saying, Tr. v.
Mine eye hath seen his desire upon mine enemies; and 2Q ' 21 '.
again, In God have I put my trust; I will not be afraid plf^e,'
what man can do unto me. And when he fled and escaped u -
from the face of Saul to the cave, he said, He hath sent from Ps.67,3.
heaven, and hath saved me. He hath given them to reproach
that would tread me under their feet. God hath sen t His mercy
and truth, and hath delivered my soul from the midst of
lions. Thus he too was saved according to the dispensation
of God, and afterwards became king, and received the pro-
mise, that from his seed our Lord should spring.
28. And the great Elias, when he withdrew himself to mount
Carmel, called upon God, and destroyed at once more than four
hundred prophets of Baal ; and when there were sent to take him
two captains of fifty with their hundred men, he said, Let fire 2 Kings
come down from heaven, and thus rebuked them. And he 1 ' 10,
too was preserved, so that he anointed Elisha in his own
stead, and became a pattern of virtue for the sons of the pro-
phets. And the blessed Paul, after writing these words,
what persecutions I endured; but out of them all the Lord 2Tim.3,
delivered me, and will deliver; could speak more confidently n "
and say, But in all these things we are more than cow- Rom. 8,
querors, for nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ 1 . ^^49
For then it was that he was caught up to the third heaven, 220.
and admitted into paradise, where he heard unspeakable 2 Cor.
words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter. And for 12 ' 4 *
this end was he then preserved, that from Jerusalem even Rom.
unto Illyricum he might fully preach the Gospel. l5) l9t
29, The flight of the saints therefore was neither blameable §. 21.
nor unprofitable. If they had not avoided their persecutors,
how would it have come to pass that the Lord should spring
from the seed of David ? Or who would have preached the
glad tidings of the word of truth ? It was for this that the
persecutors sought after the saints, .that there might be no
one to teach, as the Jews charged the Apostles ; but for this
cause they endured all things, that the Gospel might be
preached 2 . Behold, therefore, in that they were thus engaged in * p. 184.
conflict with their enemies, they passed not the time of their
flight unprofitably, nor while they were persecuted, did they
forget the welfare of others.: but as being ministers of the
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204
The Saints fled for our sokes.
Apol. good word, they grudged not to communicate it to all men ;
Flight. so *^ at even wnu<e tne 7 tne 7 preached the Gospel, and
gave warning of the wickedness of those who conspired
against them, and confirmed the faithful by their exhortations.
30. Thus the blessed Paul, having found it so by-experience,
2 Tim. declared beforehand, As many as will live godly in Christ,
3 ' 1 ' shall suffer persecution. And so he straightway prepared
Heb.i2, them that fled for the trial, saying, Let us run with patience
' the race that is set before us ; for although there be continual
Rom. 5, tribulations, yet tribulation worketh patience, and patience
experience, and experience hope, and hope maketh not
ashamed. And the Prophet Esaias when such-like affliction
la. 26, was expected, exhorted and cried aloud, Come, my people,
299 enter thou into thy chambers, and shut thy doors: hide thy-
self as H were for a little moment, until the indignation be
ip. 186. overpast 1 . And the Preacher who knew the designs of the
Eccles. wicked against the righteous, and said, If thou seest the op-
&f 8 * * pression of the poor, and violent perverting of judgment and
justice in a province, marvel not at the matter : for He that
is higher than the highest regardeth, and there be higher
than they : moreover there is the profit of the earth. He
had his own father David for an example, who had himself
experienced the sufferings of persecution, and who supports
Pa. 31, them that suffer by the words, Be of good courage, and He
shall strengthen your heart, all ye that put your trust in the
Lord; for them that so endure, not man, but the Lord Him-
Ps.37, self, (he says,) shall help them, and deliver them, because
Ps.40,i they put their trust in Him: for I also waited patiently for
the Lord, and He inclined unto me, and heard my calling ;
He brought me up also out of the lowest pit, and out of the
mire and clay. Thus is shewn how profitable to the people
and productive of good is the flight of the Saints, howsoever
the Arians may think otherwise.
§. 22. 31. Thus the Saints, as I said before, were abundantly pre-
served in their flight by the Providence of God, as physi-
cians for the sake of them that had need. And to all men
generally, even to us, is this law given, that we should flee
when we are persecuted, and hide ourselves when we are
sought after, and not rashly tempt the Lord, but should wait,
as I said above, until the appointed time of death arrive, or
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Persecution is from the Devil.
205
the Judge determine something concerning us, according as Tr. v.
it shall seem to Him to be good: that we should be ready,
that, when the time calls for us, or when we are taken, we
may contend for the truth even unto death. This rule the
blessed Martyrs observed in their several persecutions. When
persecuted they fled, while concealing themselves they shewed
fortitude, and when discovered they submitted to martyrdom.
And if some of them came and presented themselves to their
persecutors', they did not do so without reason; for immedi-
ately in that case they were martyred, and thus made it evi-
dent to all that their zeal, and this offering up of themselves
to their enemies, were from the Spirit.
32. Seeing therefore that such are the commands of our §. 23.
Saviour, and that such is the conduct of the Saints, let these
persons, to whom one cannot give a name suitable to their cha-
racter, — let them, 1 say, tell us, from whom they learnt to per-
secute ? They cannot say, from the Saints 1 . No, but from the 1 Hist.
Devil ; (that is the only answer which is left them ;) — from him $$"3^
who says, / will pursue, I will overtake. Our Lord commanded 67.
to flee, and the saints fled: but persecution is a device of the g X * 16 »
Devil, and one which he desires to exercise against all.
Let them say then, to which we ought to submit ourselves;
to the words of the Lord, or to their fabrications? Whose
conduct ought we to imitate, that of the Saints, or that of
those whose example they have adopted? But since it is
likely they cannot determine this question, (for, as Esaias
said, their minds and their consciences are blinded, and they is. 5,20.
think bitter to be sweet, and light darkness*,) let some one 2 p. 220.
come forth from among us Christians, and put them to p# <} # "
rebuke, and cry with a loud voice, " It is better to trust
in the Lord, than to attend to the foolish sayings of these
men ; for the words of the Lord have eternal life, but the John 6,
68
things which these utter are full of iniquity and blood."
33. This were sufficient to put a stop to the madness of these §. 24.
impious men, and to prove that their desire is for nothing
else, but only through a love of contention to utter revilings
a Vid. instances and passages col- ii. c. 9. also Gibbon, cb. xvi. p. 438.
lected in Pearson's Vind. Ignat. part Mosheim de Reb. Ante Const, p. 941.
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206
Irruption of Syrianus into the Church.
Apol. and blasphemies. Bat forasmuch as having once dared to
f *oh T . fight against . Christ, they have now become officious, let
them enquire and learn into the manner of my withdrawal
from their own friends. For the Arians were mixed with
the soldiers in order to exasperate them against me, and, as
they were unacquainted with my person, to point me out to
them. And although they ate destitute of all feelings of
compassion, yet when they hear the circumstances they will
surely be quiet for very shame.
» p. 176. 34. It was now night 1 , and some of the people were keeping
a vigil preparatory to a communion on the morrow, when
the General Syrianus suddenly came upon us with more
than five thousand soldiers, having arms and drawn swords,
bows, spears, and clubs, as 1 have related above. With
these he surrounded the Church, stationing his soldiers
near at hand, in order that no one might be able to leave
the Church and pass by them. Now I considered that it
would be unfair in me to desert the people during such
a disturbance, and not to endanger myself in their behalf ;
therefore I sat down upon my throne, and desired the
Ps. 136, Deacon to read the Psalm, and the people to answer, For His
l ' mercy endureth for ever, and then all to withdraw and
depart home. But the General having now made a forcible
entry, and the soldiers having surrounded the Chancel for
the purpose of apprehending me, the Clergy and those of the
laity, who were still there, cried out, and demanded that
I should withdraw. But I refused, declaring that I would
not do so, until they had retired one and alL Accord-
ingly I stood up, and having bidden prayer, I then made my
request of them, that all should depart before me, saying
that it was better that my safety should be endangered, than
that any of them should receive hurt. So when the greater
part had gone forth, and the rest were following, the monks
who were there with me and certain of the Clergy came up
and dragged me away. And thus, (Truth is my witness,)
while some of the soldiers stood about the Chancel, and
others were going round the Church, I passed through,
under the Lord's guidance, and with His protection withdrew
without observation, greatly glorifying God, that I had not
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Athanasius>s wonderful escape. 207 *
betrayed the people, but had first sent them away, and then Tr. V.
had been able to save myself, and to escape the hands nf 24 — 26 -
them which sought after me.
35. Now when Providence had delivered me in such an §. 25.
extraordinary manner, who can justly lay any blame upon
me, because 1 did not give myself up into the hands of them
that sought after me, nor return and present myself before
them? This would have been plainly to shew ingratitude
to the Lord, and to act against His commandment, and in
contradiction to the practice of the Saints. He who censures
me in this matter must presume also to blame the great
Apostle Peter, because though he was shut up and guarded
by soldiers, he followed the angel that summoned him, and
when he had gone forth from the prison and escaped in
safety, he did not return and surrender himself, although he
heard what Herod had done. Let the Arian in his madness
censure the Apostle Paul, because when he was let down
from the wall and had escaped in safety, he did not change
his mind, and return and give himself up ; or Moses, because
he returned not out of Midian into Egypt, that he might be
taken of them that sought after him; or David, because
when he was concealed in the cave, he did not discover
himself to Saul. As also the sons of the prophets remained
in their caves, and did not surrender themselves to Ahab.
This would have been to act contrary to the commandment, D««t. 6,
since the Scripture says, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy 4 \ %
God. Being careful to avoid such an offence, and instructed §. 26.
by these examples, I so ordered my conduct ; and 1 do not
undervalue the favour and the help which have been shewn
me of the Lord, howsoever these madmen may gnash their
teeth 1 against me. For since the manner of my retreat was 1 Sent,
such as I have described, I do not think that any blame Jejaist.
whatever can attach to it in the minds of those who are P os "^ r *^
sessed of a sound judgment: seeing that according to holy
Scripture, this pattern has been left us by the Saints for our
instruction. But there is no atrocity, it would seem, which
these men neglect to practise, nor will they leave any thing
undone, which may shew their own wickedness and cruelty.
36. And indeed their lives are only in accordance with their
spirit and the follies of their doctrine; for there are no sins
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208 Hie profligate character of the Arians.
• Apol. that one could charge them with, how heinous soever, that
Flight, ^° not commit without shame. Leontius 1 , for in-
' Hist, stance, being censured for his intimacy with a certain
^28° y oun S woman, named Eustolium, and prohibited from living
with her, mutilated himself for her sake, in order that he
might be able to associate with her freely. He did not
however clear himself from suspicion, but rather on this
account he was degraded from his rank as Presbyter,
although the heretic Constantius by violence caused him to
*p. 60. be named a Bishop. Narcissus 2 , besides being charged
p?99. man y other transgressions, was degraded three times by
different Councils ; and now he is the most wicked among
3 p. 25. them. And George 3 who was a Presbyter, was degraded on
account of his vices, and although he had nominated himself
a Bishop, he was nevertheless a second time degraded in the
great Council of Sardica. And besides all this, his dissolute
life is notorious, for he is condemned even by his own friends,
as making the end of existence and happiness to consist in
the commission of the most disgraceful crimes.
§. 27. 37. Thus each surpasses the other in his own peculiar vices.
But there is a common blot that attaches to them all, in that
through their heresy they are enemies of Christ, and are no
longer called Christians 1 *, but Arians. They ought indeed to
accuse each other of the sins they are guilty of, for they are
contrary to the faith of Christ; but they rather conceal them
for their own sakes. And it is no wonder, that being possessed
of such a spirit, and implicated in such vices, they persecute
and seek after those who follow not the same impious heresy
as themselves; that they delight to destroy them, and are
grieved if they fail of obtaining their desires, and think them-
selves injured, as I said before, when they see those alive,
whom they wish to perish. May they continue to be injured
in such sort, that they may lose the power of inflicting injuries,
and that those whom they persecute may give thanks unto the
Ps.27,1. Lord, and say in the words of the twenty-sixth Psalm, The
Lord is my light and my salvation; whom then shall I fear ?
The Lord is the strength of my life ; of whom then shall I be
afraid ? When the wicked, even mine enemies and my foes,
h Vid. supr. p. 149, r. 4. infir. Hist. 64 init. vol. 8. p. 27, note h. pp. reff.
Arian. $$. 17. 34 fin. 41 init. 59 fin. 85, 1. 179, 4. 182. 188, 4. 194, 2.
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Conclusion.
209
come upon me to eat up my fleshy they stumbled and fell : Tn. V.
and again in the thirtieth Psalm, TJwu hast known my $oul ps ^
in adversities; Thou hast not shut me up into the hands of 7.8. 9
my enemies; Thou hast set my feet in a large room; in Christ
Jesus our Lord, through whom to the Father in the Holy
Spirit be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen.
p
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VI.
AN EPISTLE
OF OUR
HOLY FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
TO HIS BROTHER SERAPION,
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ARIUS.
[ S. Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis, was a friend of St. Anthony's ; to him
the Sainton his death, which took place shortly hefore the following Letter
from Athanasius,left one of his sheepskins, leaving the other to S. Atha-
nasius himself. His fellowship with Athanasius in persecution, has
gained him the title of Confessor, and his accomplishments and talents
that of Scholasticus. Jerom. de Vir. Illustr. 99. At his suggestion
Athanasius about the same date wrote his work upon the divinity of the
Holy Spirit, addressing it to him. He seems also to have been a cor-
respondent of Apollinaris. His name is found in the Roman Martyrology
under March 21. It appears from the commencement of the following
Letter, written A.D. 358 — 360, that Serapion had asked Athanasius,
first for a history of his times, next for a refutation of Arianism, and
thirdly for an account of the death of Arius. The death of Arius is the
subject of this Letter itself; for the history of his times he refers him to
his History of Arianism addressed to the Monks, which he sent him at the
same time ; and the refutation of Arianism, which was also addressed to the
Monks, has sometimes been supposed to be the four celebrated Orations
which are his principal dogmatic work. Though in strict order of time
the Epistles both to Serapion and to the Monks are later than the History,
and the latter Epistle, as containing scarcely an allusion to the History,
might easily be detached from it, yet it seems best in a matter of this
kind to follow the arrangement adopted in the Benedictine Edition.]
1. Athanasius to Serapion a brother and fellow-minister
sends health in the Lord.
1. I have read the letters of your Piety, in which you
have requested me to make known to you the events of my
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Arius deceives Constantine by a false oath. 211
times relating to myself, and to give an account of that most Ta. VI.
impious heresy of the Arians, in consequence of which I - 2 *
have endured these sufferings, and also of the manner of the
death of Arius. With two out of your three demands I have
readily undertaken to comply, and have sent to your God-
liness the letter which I wrote to the Monks ; from which
you will be able to learn my own history as well as that of
the heresy. But with respect to the other matter, I mean
the Death, I debated with myself for a long time, fearing lest
any one should suppose that I was exulting in the death of
that man. But yet, since a disputation which has taken
place amongst you concerning the heresy, has issued in
this question, whether Arius died in communion with the
Church ; 1 therefore was necessarily desirous of giving an
account of his death, as thinking that the question would
thus be set at rest, considering also that by making this
known I should at the same time silence those who are fond
of contention. For I conceive that when the wonderful 11
circumstances connected with his death become known, £217^*
even those who before questioned it will no longer venture r - 6 «
to doubt that the Arian heresy is hateful in the sight of 9 ^^-
God*. 217,?.6.
2. I was not at Constantinople when he died, but Macarius §. 2.
the Presbyter was, and I heard the account of it from him.
Arius had been summoned by the Emperor Constantine,
through the interest of the Eusebians ; and when he entered
the presence the Emperor enquired of him, whether he held
the Faith of the Catholic Church ? And he declared upon
oath that he held the right 3 Faith, and gave in an account of 3 V**
his Faith in writing, suppressing the points for which he had
been cast out of the Church by the Bishop Alexander, and
speciously 4 alleging expressions out of the Scriptures. When
therefore he swore that he did not profess the opinions fov 9§fU9H
which Alexander had excommunicated him, the Emperor
dismissed him, saying, "If thy Faith be right, thou hast
done well to swear ; but if thy Faith be impious, and thou
hast sworn, God judge thee according to thy oath." When
he thus came forth from the presence of the Emperor, the
Eusebians with their accustomed violence desired to bring
him into the Church*. But Alexander the Bishop of Con-*P- w7 «
p2
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212 Death of Arius
Epist. stantinople of blessed memory 1 resisted them, saying that
Skrap tne mventor °f * ne heresy ought not to be admitted to com-
i p 162> munion ; whereupon the Eusebians threatened, declaring,
r. 3. « As we have caused him to be summoned* by the Emperor,
MM.vid. in opposition to your wishes, so to-morrow, though it be
P 7o'r l contrar y to y° ur desire, Arius shall have communion with us
P ,T in this Church." It was the Sabbath when they said this.
§. 3. 3. When the Bishop Alexander heard this, he was greatly
distressed, and entering into the Church, he stretched forth
his hands unto God, and bewailed himself; and casting
3 *^«- himself upon his face in the Chancel 3 , he prayed, lying
2Q # f ' p * upon the pavement. Macarius also was present, and prayed
with him, and heard his words. And he besought these two
things, saying, " If Arius is brought to communion to-morrow,
let me Thy servant depart, and destroy not the pious with
the impious ; but if Thou wilt spare Thy Church, (and I
know that Thou wilt spare,) look upon the words of the
Eusebians, and give not Thine inheritance to destruction
4 <J{" and reproach, and take off Arius 4 , lest if he enter into the
fym. church, th e heresy also may seem to enter with him, and
5 29 > henceforward impiety 5 be accounted for piety." When the
Bishop had thus prayed, he retired in great anxiety ; and a
wonderful and extraordinary circumstance took place. While
the Eusebians threatened, the Bishop prayed; but Arius, who
had great confidence in the Eusebians, and talked very wildly,
6 tU **- urged by the necessities of nature withdrew 6 , and suddenly,
AStsi m tne language °f Scripture, falling headlong he burst
l8 ' asunder in the midst, and immediately expired as he lay,
and was deprived both of communion and of his life
together.
§. 4. 4. Such was the end of Arius : and the Eusebians, over-
7 vid. whelmed with shame, buried 7 their accomplice, while the
6. 10. ' blessed Alexander, amidst the rejoicings of the Church,
celebrated the Communion with piety and orthodoxy,
praying with all the brethren, and greatly glorifying God, not
as exulting in his death, (God forbid !) for it is appointed
Heb. 9, unto all men once to die, but because this thing had been
shewn forth in a manner surpassing the expectations of all
men. For the Lord Himself judging between the threats
of the Eusebians and the prayer of Alexander, condemned
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was the condemnation of his heresy. 213
the Arian heresy, shewing it to be unworthy of communion Tb. VI,
with the Church, and making manifest to all, that although 4f 5 '
it receive the support of the Emperor and of all mankind,
yet it has been condemned by the Church herself.
6. Thus this antichristian workshop 1 of the Arian fanatics 1
has been shewn to be unpleasing to God and impious ; and"^"'
many of those who before were deceived by it have changed
their opinions. For none other than the Lord Himself who
was blasphemed by them has condemned the heresy which
rose up against Him, and has again shewn, that howsoever
the Emperor Constantius may now use violence to the
Bishops in behalf of it, yet it is excluded from the com-
munion of the Church, and alien from the kingdom of
heaven 8 . Wherefore also let the question which has arisen 8
among you be henceforth set at rest ; (for this is the agree- ™
ment that was made among you,) and let no one join himself Mat.i8,
to the heresy, but let even those who have been deceived
repent. For who shall receive a heresy which the Lord has
condemned ? And will not he who takes up the support of
that which He has made excommunicate, be guilty of great
impiety, and manifestly an enemy of Christ ?
6. Now this is sufficient to confound the contentious ; §. 5.
read it therefore to those who before raised this question, as
well as what I have briefly 3 addressed to the Monks against ^P^ 216 '
the heresy, in order that they may be led thereby more
strongly to condemn the impiety and wickedness of the
Arian fanatics. Do not however consent to give a copy of
these letters to any one, neither transcribe them for yourself,
(I have signified the same to the Monks also 4 ;) but as a*P^ 2 i7,
sincere friend, if any thing is wanting in what I have written,
add it, and immediately send them back to me. For you
will be able to learn from the letter which I have written to
the Brethren, what pains it has cost me to write it 5 , and also 5 p. 215,
to perceive that it is not safe for the writings of an indi- r * 2 *
vidual 6 to be published, (especially if they relate to the
highest and chief 7 doctrines,) for this reason; — lest what is r ."i.
imperfectly expressed through infirmity or the obscurity of^Jg*^
language, do hurt to the reader. For the majority of men
do not consider the faith or the aim of the writer 8 , but either 8 P- 130 >
through envy or a spirit of contention, receive what is 134, r. 4.
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214
Conclusion.
Epmt. written as themselves choose, according to an opinion which
Serap. tne y nave previously formed, and misinterpret it to suit their
i bytmi- pleasure. But the Lord grant that the Truth and a sound 1
m«t«», j n Qur L or( j j esus Christ may prevail among all, and
Alex, especially among those to whom you read this. Amen.
Ep.
Encycl.
§.6 fin.
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VII.
AN EPISTLE
OF OUR
HOLY FATHER ATHANASIUS,
ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,
TO THE MONKS.
[The beautiful and striking Letter which follows formed the introduction
to a work, which the Author, as he says in the course of it, thought
unworthy of being preserved for posterity. Some critics have supposed
it to be the Orations against the Arians, which form his greatest work ;
but this opinion can hardly be maintained, though the discussion of it
does not belong to this place. The Epistle to the Monks was written in
358, or later, but before the foregoing Epistle to Serapion.]
1. To those in every place who are living a monastic life, who §. 1.
are established in the faith of God, and sanctified in
Christ, and who say, Behold, we have forsaken all, anrfMat.19,
followed Thee, brethren dearly beloved and longed for, 27,
a full greeting in the Lord.
1. In compliance with your affectionate request, which
you have frequently urged upon me, I have written a short
account of the sufferings which ourselves and the Church
have undergone, refuting, according to my ability, the
accursed 1 heresy of the Arian fanatics, and proving howV*»t*»
entirely it is alien from the Truth. And I thought it needful
to represent to your Piety what pains* the writing of these 8 p. 213,
things has cost me, in order that you may understand thereby r ' 4 *
how truly the blessed Apostle has said, O the depth of the 'Rom.
11,88.
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216 Impossible to know God's Perfections,
Epibt. riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God ; and may
Monks kindly bear with a weak man such as I am by nature. For
the more I desired to write, and endeavoured to force myself
to understand the Divinity of the Word, so much the more
did the knowledge thereof withdraw itself from me ; and in
proportion as I thought that I apprehended it, in so much I
perceived myself to fail of doing so. Moreover also I was
unable to express in writing even what I seemed to myself
to understand ; and that which I wrote was unequal to the
imperfect shadow of the truth which existed in my con-
ceptions.
§. 2. 2. Considering therefore how it is written in the Book of
Ecdes. Ecclesiastes, I said, I will be wise, but it was far from me;
7,23.24. w hich is far off, and exceeding deep, who shall find it
Ps. 139, out ? and what is said in the Psalms, The knowledge of Thee
6 ' is too wonderful for me; it is high, I cannot attain unto it;
Prov. and that Solomon says, It is the glory of God to conceal a
25> 2 * thing ; I frequently designed to stop and to cease writing;
1 pp.240, believe me 1 ,! did. But lest I should be found to disappoint
168 ' you, or by my silence to lead into impiety those who have made
enquiry of you, and are given to disputation, I constrained
9 p. 213, myself to write briefly 2 , what I have now sent to your Piety.
r * 2 * For although a perfect apprehension of the truth is at present
far removed from us by reason of the infirmity of the flesh ;
yet it is possible, as the Preacher himself has said, to per-
ceive the madness of the impious, and having found it, to
Eccles. say that it is more bitter than death. Wherefore for this
7 » 26 ' reason, as perceiving this and able to find it out, 1 have
written, knowing that to the faithful the detection of impiety
is a sufficient information wherein piety consists. For
although it be impossible to comprehend what God is, yet it
is possible to say, what He is not*. And we know that He is
a This negative character of our make concerning God, relate not to
knowledge, whether of the Father or His Nature, but to the accompaniments
of the Son, is insisted on by other of His Nature." Damasc. F. O. i. 4.
writers. " When we speak of the sub- S. Basil ad Eunom. i. 10. speaks sirai-
stance of any being, we have to say larly of the negative attributes, (so to
what it is, not what it is not ; how- speak,) of the Divine Nature, adding,
ever, as relates to God, it is impossible however, the positive. And St. Austin
to say what He is as to His substance, says, " Totum ab animo rejicite; quid-
.... All we can know about the Divine quid occurrerit, negate. . . .dicite turn
Nature i«, that it is not to be known; est Mud" August. Enarrat. 2. in Psalm
and whatever positive statements we 26. 8." How," says St. Cyril, "the Fa-
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or His Son, except negatively. 217
not as man; and that it is not lawful to conceive of anyTR.vil.
created 1 nature as existing in Him. So also respecting the 1 2 J 3 '
Son of God, although we are by nature very far from being
able to apprehend Him ; yet it is possible and easy to con- J 01 ^
demn the assertions of the heretics concerning Him, and to note e.
say, that the Son of God is not such ; nor is it lawful even
to conceive in our minds such things as they speak, con-
cerning His divinity ; much less to utter them with the lips.
3. Accordingly I have written as well as I was able; and §. 3.
you, dearly beloved, receive these communications not as
containing a perfect exposition of the doctrine of the divinity
of the Word, but as being merely a refutation of the impiety
of the enemies of Christ, and as containing and affording to
those who desire it, suggestions 2 for arriving at a pious and 2
sound 3 faith in Christ. And if in any thing they are de-?p. 2 i4,
fective, (and I think they are defective in all respects,) r - *•
pardon it with a pure conscience, and only receive favourably
the boldness 4 of my good intentions in support of godliness. 4 « «-,x-
For an utter condemnation of the heresy of the Arians, it is'*"*"
sufficient for you to know the judgment which has been
given by the Lord in the death of Arius, of which you have
already been informed by others. For the Lord of Hosts Is. 14,
hath purposed, and who shall disannul it ? and whom the 27 '
Lord hath condemned who shall justify 5 ? After such a sign 65 so
has been given, who does not now acknowledge, that the^i^g.
heresy is hated of God 7 , however it may have men for its 6 ^ 1 *'"*
patrons ? 2ii ,?.i.
4. Now when you have read this account, pray for me >^"^'f ( i"
and exhort one another so to do. And immediately send it p. 211,
back to me, and suffer no one whatever to take a copy of it, T ' 2 *
nor transcribe it for yourselves 8 . But like good money- 8 p. 213,
changers* be satisfied with the reading; but read it re- 1,3,
peatedly if you desire to do so. For it is not safe that the
ther begat the Son, we profess not to Append. Aug. Oper. t. 6. p. 383.
tell ; only we insist upon its not being b On this celebrated text, as it may
in this manner or that." Catech. xi. 11. be called, which is cited so frequently
" Patrem non esse Filium, sed habere by the Fathers, vid. Coteler. in Const.
Filium qui Pater non sit; Filium non Apol. ii. 36. in Clement. Horn. ii. 51.
esse Patrem, sed Filium Dei esse na- Potter in Clem. Strom, i. p. 426. Vales,
turn j sanctum quoque Paracletum esse, in Euseb. Hist. vii. 7. vid. also S. Cyril,
qui nec Pater sit ipse, nec Filius, sed a Catech. tr. p. 78, note o.
Patre Filioque procedat. Anonym, in
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218
Conclusion.
Epi8t. writings of us babblers and private persons 1 should fall into
Monks tne nan ds of them that shall come after. Salute one another
*iiwr2$, in love, and also all that come unto you in piety and faith,
f. 6. 13> -^ or if an V man 9 as tne Apostle has said, love not the Lord,
Apol. let him be anathema. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
Ar.^*. 9. be with you. Amen.
supr. p.
27. §.12.
p. 30.
1 Cor.
16, 22.
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VIII.
THE HISTORY OF THE ARIANS,
[Down to the Year 857, the beginning being lost.]
[The earlier portion of this History, which seems to have commenced with
the Author's elevation to his see, has not "been preserved, because, as
Montfaucon conjectures, it was considered hut a repetition of the second
part of the Apology against the Arians, §. 59 — 84. pp. 88 — 1 16. supr.
He notices a correspondence even in the words employed in the two
works, at the place in the Apology where the line of narrative may he
considered to he taken up hy the opening hut broken sentence of the
following History. In the beginning of §. 84. of the Apology, supr. p. 1 16,
towards the end of its second part, Athanasius says, " As such is the
nature of their machinations, so they very soon shewed plainly the reasons
of their conduct. For, when they went away, they took the Arians with
them to Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion and in the
beginning, as extant, of the History. " And not long after > they pro-
ceeded to put in execution the designs for the sake of which they had
had recourse to these artifices; for they no sooner had formed their plans,
but they immediately admitted the Arians to communion" vid. also infir.
p. 220, r. 2. Papebroke, whomTillemont in the main follows, considers that
the whole Apology formed a sort of third part of the Work addressed to the
Monks, (the dogmatic treatise being the first of the three.) And in main-
tenance of this opinion he proposes an ingenious though untenable emend-
ation of some words in the text of Athanasius, or rather in the notes added
to the text by his copyists, (in Maii 2. p. 187.) A question has been raised
about the genuineness of the work before us, under the idea that it probably
was the writing of a companion of Athanasius, not of the Saint himself. It
cannot be denied that in parts it is written in a livelier and terser, not to
say freer, style than his other works, and he speaks of himself in the third
person. And there is a passage, where, if the text be not corrupt, the
writer distinguishes himself from Athanasius, §. 52. But on the other hand,
there is a passage in which he speaks in the first person where none but
Athanasius can be meant, vid. §. 21. p. 236. And he speaks of himself
in other works in the third person, e. g. Orat. i. §. 3. Moreover, it is
plain that the very circumstance that he was not writing in his own
person would make a considerable alteration in his mode of writing,
not to dwell on the difference between an apology and what is a history and
invective. Some instances of agreement in words, phrases, texts, &c.
are pointed out in the margin and notes.]
CHAP. I.
ARIAN PERSECUTION UNDER CONSTANTINE.
1. .... . And not long after they proceeded to put in §. 1.
execution the designs for the sake of which they had had
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220
Avians sacrifice morality and integrity
Am an recourse to these artifices ; for they no sooner had formed
Hl8T ' their plans, but they immediately admitted the Arians to
communion. They set aside the repeated condemnations
which had been passed upon them, and again pretended the
1 p. 246. imperial authority 1 in their behalf. And they were not
ashamed to say in their letters, " since Athanasius has
* <ptff##, suffered, all opposition 8 has ceased, and let us henceforward
twice p. receive the Arians;" adding, in order to frighten their
116 fin. hearers, * because the Emperor has commanded it.' More-
over they were not ashamed to add, " for these men profess
ls.5,20. orthodox opinions;" not fearing that which is written, Woe
unto them that call bitter sweet, that put darkness for
3 vol. 8. light 3 ; for they are ready to undertake any thing in support
Bapr.p. °f tirafr heresy. Now is it not hereby plainly proved to all
206.r.2. me n, that we both suffered heretofore, and that you now
persecute us, not under the authority of an Ecclesiastical
4 infr. sentence 4 , but on the ground of the Emperor's threats, and on
76# account of our Piety towards Christ? As also they conspired
in like planner against the Bishops, fabricating charges
against them also; some of whom are fallen asleep in the
place of their exile, having attained the glory of Christian
confession ; and others are at this day banished from their
country, and contend still more and more manfully against
Rom. 8, their heresy, saying, Nothing shall separate us from the
™\>A4S> 9 love of Christ*.
203. 2. And hence also you may discern its character, and be
^ # able to condemn it more confidently. The man who is
their friend and their associate in impiety, although he is
open to ten thousand charges for other enormities which he
has committed ; although the evidence and proof against
him are most clear; he is approved of by them, and
straightway becomes the friend of the Emperor, obtaining
favour by his impiety ; and making large gains, he acquires
confidence before the magistrates to do whatever he desires.
But he who exposes their impiety, and honestly advocates
the cause of Christ, though he is pure in all things, though
he is conscious of no delinquencies, though he meets with
no accuser; yet on the false pretences which they have
framed against him, is immediately seized and sent into
banishment under a sentence of the Emperor, as if he were
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to the purposes of their party. 221
guilty of the crimes which they wish to charge upon him, or tr. vin.
as if, like Naboth, he had blasphemed the king. While he ~ *
who advocates the cause of their heresy, is sought for and
immediately sent to take possession of the other's Church ; 1 T %
and henceforth confiscations and insults, and all kinds of
cruelty are exercised against those who do not receive him. vid. p.
And what is the strangest thing of all 1 , the man whom the j?'** 14
people desire, and know to be blameless*, the Emperor takes i Tim.
away and banishes ; but him whom they neither desire, nor 3 > 2 « l79
know, he sends to them from a distant place 3 with soldiers infr. p. '
and letters 4 from himself. And henceforward a strong neces- p
sity is laid upon them, either to hate him whom they love ; 133, r.
who has been their teacher, and their father in godliness ; 4 p " g,
and to love him whom they do not desire, and to trust their r# 3 *
children to one of whose life and conversation and character
they are ignorant ; or else certainly to suffer punishment, if
they disobey the Emperor.
3. In this manner the impious are now proceeding, as §. 3.
heretofore, against the orthodox ; giving proof of their
malice and impiety amongst all men every where. For
granting 6 that they have justly accused Athanasius; yet 5
what have the other Bishops done ? On what grounds can Apoi.
they charge them ? Has there been found in their case too J"*^
the dead body of an Arsenius? Is there a Presbyter supr. p.
Macarius, or has a chalice been broken amongst them ? Is 66,
there a Meletian to play the hypocrite ? No : but as their
proceedings against the other Bishops shew the charges
which they have brought against Athanasius, in all pro-
bability, to be false ; so their attacks upon Athanasius make
it plain, that their accusations of the other Bishops are
unfounded likewise. This heresy has come forth upon the
earth like some wild monster, which not only injures the
innocent with its words, as with teeth 6 ; but it has also hired 6 ^d.
external power to assist it in its designs. J^" 7>
4. And strange it is that, as I said before, no accusation
is brought against any of them ; or if any be accused, he is
not brought to trial ; or if a shew of enquiry be made, he is ac-
quitted against evidence, while the convicting party is plotted
against, rather than the criminal put to shame. Thus the 7 ^ 9
whole party of them is full of vileness 7 ; and their spies 8 , for s *« r «-
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222
Avians persecute Eustathius,
am an Bishops 1 they are not, are the vilest of them all. And if
1 U-lvL an y one amon 8 them desires to become a Bishop, he is not
** told, a Bishop must be blameless 3 ; but only, " Take up
3 ^ im * opinions contrary to Christ, and care not for manners. This
8 p. 221. will be sufficient to obtain favour for you, and friendship
with the Emperor." Such is the character of those who
support the tenets of Arius. And they who are zealous for
the truth, however holy and pure they shew themselves, are
yet, as I said before, made criminals, whenever these men
choose, and on whatever pretences it may seem good to
them to invent. The truth of this, as I before remarked,
you may clearly gather from their proceedings.
§. 4. 5. There was one Eustathius 3 , Bishop of Antioch, a Con-
3 P; 190 > fessor, and sound in the Faith. This man, because he was
note a. 7 7
very zealous for the truth, and hated the Arian heresy, and
would not receive those who adopted its tenets, is falsely
accused before the Emperor Constantine, and a charge
invented against him, that he had insulted his mother'.
And immediately he is driven into banishment, and a great
number of Presbyters and Deacons with him. And im-
mediately after the banishment of the Bishop, those whom
he would not admit into the clerical order on account of
their impiety were not only received into the Church by
them, but were eveu appointed the greater part of them to
be Bishops, in order that they might have accomplices in
* their impiety. Among these was Leontius the eunuch 4 , now
*p*208 °^ Anti oc h> and before him Stephanus, George of Laodicea,
241, and Theodosius who was of Tripolis, Eudoxius of Ger-
* P?i33. manicia, and Eustathius 6 now of Sebastia.
^ 5 # 6. Did they then stop here ? No. For Eutropius 3 who
was Bishop of Adrian ople, a good man, and excellent in all
respects, because he had often convicted Eusebius, and had
* If the common slander of the day r»* .Zosim.Hisr.ii.p.78.Con8tantinusex
concerning St. Helena was imputed to concubina Helena procreatus. Hieron.
St. Eustathius, Constantine was likely in Chron. Euseb. p. 773. (ed. Yallars.)
to feel it keenly. " Stabulariam," says Tillemont however maintains, (Empe-
St. Ambrose, " hano primo fuisse as- rears, t. 4. p. 613.) and Gibbon fully
serunt,siccognitamConstantio." deOb. admits (Hist. ch. 14. p. 190.) the legi-
Theod. 42. Stabularia, i.e. an innkeeper; timacy of Constantine. The latter adds,
so Eahab is sometimes considered to be " Eutropius (x. 2.) expresses in a few
" cauponaria sive tabernaria et mere- words the real truth, and the occasion
trix, "Cornel. a Lap. in JosAi.l. ty/uXUg of the error, ( ex obscuriori matrimcnh
ymmxU «£ #ty*nw rftt xark pipt fmtXJtv ejus Alius.' "
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Marcellus, Paul, and others.
223
advised them who came that way, not to comply with hisTn.viii.
impious dictates, suffered the same treatment as Eustatbius, —
and was cast out of his city and his Church. Basilina 1 was 1 Julian's
the most active in the proceedings against him. And Eu- motber *
phration of Balanea, Cymatius of Paltus, another Cymatius
of Taradus, Asclepas of Gaza, Cyrus of Berea* in Syria, 2 qu.Ber-
Diodorus of Asia, Domnion of Sirmium, and Ellanicus 0 f rhcea?
Tripolis, were merely known to hate 3 the heresy; and some 3 p. 217,
of them on one pretence or another, some without any, they r# 7 *
removed under the authority of royal letters 4 , drove them out 4 p. 221,
of their cities, and appointed others whom they knew to be r# 3 *
impious men, to occupy the Churches in their stead.
7. Of Marcellus 6 the Bishop of Galatia it is perhaps super- §. 6,
fluous for me to speak; for all men have heard how the*^ 2 '
Eusebians, who had been first accused by him of impiety,
brought a counter-accusation against him, and caused him
to be banished in his old age. He we$t up 6 to Rome, and 6 AuiAfe,
there made his defence, and being required by them, he^'f^* 8
offered a written declaration of his faith, of which theinfr. pp.
239 r. 3.
Council of Sardica approved. But the Eusebians made no 242^.4!
defence, nor, when they were convicted of impiety out of
their writings, were they put to shame, but rather assumed
greater boldness against all. For they had interest with the c Jj n ® -
Emperor through the women 7 , and were formidable to allstantia,
r e Const,'*
men. siater.
8. And I suppose no one is ignorant of the case of Paul 8 , §. 7.
Bishop of Constantinople ; for the more illustrious any city ^i. 191 '
is, so much the more that which takes place in it is not
concealed. A charge was fabricated against him also. For
Macedonius his accuser, who has now become Bishop in his
stead, (I was present myself at the accusation,) afterwards
held communion with him, and was a Presbyter under Paul
himself. And yet when Eusebius with an evil eye 9 wished 9 l^ty-
to seize upon the Bishopric of that city, (he had been 8 u£np'.
translated in the same manner from Berytus to Nicomedia,) 23,
the charge was revived against Paul ; and they did not give
up their plot, but persisted in the calumny. And he was
banished first into Pontus by Constantine, and a second
time by Constantius he was sent bound with iron chains to
Singara in Mesopotamia, and from thence transferred to
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224
Martyrdom of Paul.
Arian Emesa, and a fourth time he was banished to Cucusus in
- Cappadocia, near the deserts of mount Taurus ; where, as
those who were with him have declared, he died by
^Pj 191 > strangulation 1 at their hands. And yet these men who
never speak the truth, though guilty of this, were not
ashamed after his death to invent another story, representing
that he had died from disease ; although all who live in that
place know the circumstances. And even Philagrius b who
was then Deputy-Governor 0 of those parts, and represented
all their proceedings in such manner as they desired, was
yet astonished at this ; and being grieved perhaps that
another, and not himself, had done the evil deed, he
informed Serapion the Bishop as well as many other of our
friends, that Paul was shut up by them in a very confined
and dark place, and left to perish of hunger; and when
after six days they went in and found him still alive, they
immediately set upon him, and strangled him.
9. This was the end of his life ; and they said that Philip
who was Prefect was their agent in the perpetration of this
murder. Divine Justice however did not overlook this ; for
not a year had past, when Philip was deprived of his office
in great disgrace, so that being reduced to a private station,
he became the mockery of those whom he least desired to
be the witnesses of his fall. For in extreme distress of
Gen. 4, mind, a fugitive and a vagabond, like Cain 2 , and expecting
srfav everv day that some one would destroy him, far from his
««) country and his friends, he died, like one astounded at his
g£p- # misfortunes, in a manner that he least desired. Moreover
"supr. these men spare not even after death those against whom
they have invented charges whilst living. They are so eager
to shew themselves formidable to all, that they banish the
living, and shew no mercy on the dead ; but alone of all the
b It is remarkable that this Phila- Greg. Orat. 23. 28. St. Athan. how-
grius, who has been so often mentioned ever wrote on the spot and at the time,
wjth dishonour in these Tracts of St. and there is nothing inconsistent in his
Athanasius, as an apostate and a per- being a popular magistrate and an
secutor, vid. supr. pp. 5, 31 , &c. is repre- enemy of the Church,
sentedby St. Greg. Naz. as very popular c Vicarius, i. e. " vicarius Praefecti,
in Alexandria, and as on that account agens vicem Prspfecti;" Gothofred in
appointed to the prefecture there a Cod. Theod. i. tit. 6. vid. their office,
second time. He compares his entry &c. drawn out at length, ibid. t. 6.
into the city on this occasion to that of p. 334.
St. Athan.'s after banishment, vid.
2
p. 161
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Restoration of the Catholics.
225
world they manifest their hatred to them that are departed, tr. viii.
and conspire against their friends, truly inhuman as they are, /,s '
and haters of that which is good, savage in temper beyond
mere enemies, in behalf of their impiety, who eagerly plot
the ruin of me and of all the rest, with no regard to truth,
but by false charges.
10. Perceiving this to be the case, the three brothers, §. 8.
Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, caused us all after
the death of their father to return to our own country and
Church ; and while they wrote letters concerning the rest to
their respective Churches, concerning Athanasius they wrote
the following; which likewise shews the violence of the
whole proceedings, and proves the murderous disposition,
of the Eusebian party.
11. A copy of the Letter of Constantine Cmsar to the people
of the Catholic Church in the city of the Alexandrians.
I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your
pious minds 1 , &c. 1 vid.
12. This is his letter ; and what more credible witness of
their conspiracy could there be than this, who knowing A ™n.
these circumstances has thus written of them ? |ip r /
p. 121.
Q
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CHAP. II.
FIRST ARIAN PERSECUTION UNDER CONSTANTltJS.
§.9. I. The Eusebians however, seeing the declension of their
heresy, wrote to Rome, as well as to the Emperors Con-
stantine and Constans, to accuse Athanasius : but when the
persons who were sent by Athanasius disproved the state-
ments which they had written, they were repulsed with
disgrace by the Emperors ; and Julius, Bishop of Rome,
wrote to say that a Council ought to be held, wherever we
should desire, in order that they might exhibit the charges
which they had to make, and might also freely defend them-
selves concerning those things of which they themselves
were accused. The Presbyters also who were sent by them,
when they saw themselves making an exposure, requested
that this might be done. Whereupon these men, whose
conduct is suspicious in all that they do, when they see that
they are not likely to get the better in au Ecclesiastical trial,
betake themselves to Constantius alone, and there bewail them-
1 #^r«£- selves, as to the patron 1 of their heresy. " Spare,!' they say," the
Syn. d § e . neres y 5 y° u see that all men have withdrawn from us ; and
31 127 ver ^ ^ eW °^ US are D0W * e ^' ■^ e ^ n t0 P ersecute > f° r w e are
P * * being deserted even of those few, and are left destitute.
Those persons whom we forced over to our side, when these
men were banished, they now by their return have persuaded
again to take part against us. Write letters therefore against
*p. 224, them all, and send out Philagrius a second time 9 as Prefect
aote b. jjgyp^ f or h e i s a ble to carry on a persecution favourably
for us, as he has already shewn upon trial, and the more so,
3**e«- as he is an apostate 3 . Send also Gregory as Bishop to
Jfj*' Alexandria, for he too is able to strengthen our heresy."
§. 10. 2. Accordingly Constantius at once writes letters, and
commences a persecution against all, and sends Philagrius
as Prefect with one Arsacius an eunuch ; he sends also
Gregory with a military forcer And the same consequences'
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Eusebians decline the Council at Rome. 227
followed as before *. For gathering together 8 a multitude of tr. viii.
herdsmen and shepherds, and other dissolute youths belong- / n -
ing to the town, armed with swords and clubs, they attacked the
in a body the Church which is called the Church of Cyrinus 8 ; mhSon,
and some they slew, some they trampled under foot, others P- 33 -
they beat with stripes and cast into prison or banished. ^53^
They haled away many women also, and dragged themf^^.
openly into the court, and insulted them, dragging them by mis.
the hair. Some they proscribed; from some they took away
their bread 4 for no other reason, but that they might befvid.
induced to join the Arians, and receive Gregory who had {53^'
been sent by the Emperor.
3. Athanasius however, before these things happened, §. 1L
at the first report of their proceedings, sailed to Rome,
knowing the rage of the heretics, and for the purpose of
having the Council held as had been determined. And
Julius wrote letters to them, and sent the Presbyters
Elpidius and Philoxenus 5 , appointing a day 6 , and saying, 5 p. 39.
that either they must come, or consider themselves as^J - **"
altogether suspected persons. But as soon as the Eusebians supr. p.
heard that the trial was to be an Ecclesiastical one, at which 45) r * 4 *
no Count would be present 7 , nor soldiers stationed before the 7 pp. 26,
doors, and that the proceedings would not be regulated by 249,r ' 8 '
royal order, (for they have always depended upon these
things to support them against the Bishops, and without
them they have no boldness even to speak ;) they were so
alarmed that they detained the Presbyters till after the
appointed time, and pretended this indecent excuse, that
they were not able to come now on account of the war
which was begun by the Persians 6 . But this was not the 8 p. 46,
true cause of their delay, but the fears of their own con- r * 1#
sciences. For what have Bishops to do with war ? Or if 9 1 Pet.
they were unable on account of the Persians to come tO\o T ^.
Rome, although it is at a distance and beyond sea, why did*"^s
they like lions 9 traverse 10 the parts of the East and those Fnfr.p!
which are near the Persians, seeking who was opposed to^ t n . 2<
them, that they might falsely accuse and banish them ? §. 22. iii
4. However when they had dismissed the Presbyters with r 11 ' 8 ^"
this improbable excuse, they said to one another, " Since
we are unable to get the advantage in an Ecclesiastical trial,
q2
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228 Cruelties of Gregory at Alexandria.
Ahian let us exhibit our usual audacity." Accordingly they write
L to Philagrius, and cause him after a while to go out with
Gregory into Egypt. Whereupon the Bishops are severely
1 pp. 61, scourged and cast into chains 1 ; Sarapammon, for instance,
fts Bishop and Confessor, they drive into banishment ; Potam-
mon, Bishop and Confessor, who had also lost an eye in the
persecution, they beat with stripes on the back so cruelly,
that he appeared to be dead before they came to an end.
In which condition he was cast aside, and hardly after some
hours, being carefully attended and fanned, he revived, God
granting him his life ; but a short time after he died of the
sufferings caused by the stripes, and attained in Christ to
the glory of a second martyrdom. And besides these, how
many monks were scourged, while Gregory sat by with
Balacius the Duke ! how many Bishops were wounded !
how many virgins were beaten!
§. 13. 5. After this the wretched Gregory called upon all men to
2 P» 8 « have communion with him 9 ; but if thou didst demand of them
communion, they were not worthy of stripes : and if thou did
scourge them as if evil persons, why didst thou ask it of them
as if holy ? But he had no other end in view, except to
fulfil the designs of them that sent him, and to establish the
heresy. Wherefore he became in his folly a murderer and
3 W^**. an executioner 3 , injurious, crafty, and profane ; in one word,
fin. 247, an enemy of Christ. He so cruelly persecuted the Bishop's
r * 2< aunt, that even when she died he would not suffer her to be
4 p. i78, Dur i e( j4 And this would have been her lot; she would have
§.27 fin. .
been cast away without burial, had not they who attended
on the corpse carried her out as one of their own kindred.
Thus even in such things he shewed his profane temper.
And again when the widows and other mendicants* had
received alms, he commanded what had been given them to
be seized, and the vessels in which they carried their oil and
wine to be broken, that he might not only shew impiety by
robbery, but in his deeds dishonour the Lord ; from whom
vid. very shortly b he will hear those words, Inasmuch as thou hast
Mat.2o, jjfogkQnQuyed these, thou hast dishonoured Me.
* AngA**, vid. infr. §. 60. Tillemont b Un Mr*, vid. p. 245, r. 4. George
translates it, prisoners. Montfaucon was pulled to pieces by the populace,
has been here followed; vid. Collect. A.D.362. This was written A. V. 358,
Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. or later.
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Profaneness of Gregory and death of Balacius.
229
6. And many other things he did, which exceed the power tb. viil
of language to describe, and which whoever should hear would ' *
think to be incredible. And the reason why he acted thus
was, because he had not received his ordination according to
ecclesiastical rule, nor had been called to be a Bishop by
apostolical tradition 1 *; but had been sent out from court with
military power and pomp, as one entrusted with a secular
government Wherefore he boasted rather to be the friend
of Governors, than of Bishops and Monks. Whenever there-
fore Father Antony wrote to him from the mountains, as godli-
ness is an abomination to a sinner, so he abhorred the letters
of the Saint. But whenever the Emperor, or a General, or
other magistrate, sent him a letter, he was as much overjoyed
as those in the Proverbs, of whom the Word has said indig-
nantly, Woe unto them who leave the paths of uprightness ; Prov. 2,
who rejoice to do evil, and delight in the frowardness of the s^**"
wicked. And so he honoured with presents the bearers of
these letters ; but once when Antony wrote to him he caused
Duke Balacius to spit upon the letter, and to cast it from
him. But Divine Justice did not overlook this ; for no long
time after, when the Duke was on horseback, and on his way
to the first halt 0 , the horse turned his head, and biting him
on the thigh, threw him off ; and after three days he died.
b He had neither apostolical call- c vid. supr. p. 50, note h.
ing, nor canonical ordination, for he This halt or station which lay up the
was a layman, nominated to his see by Nile was called Cereu, (A than. V. Ant.
the Emperor, and that, when there was §. 86.) or Chsereus, or the land or pro-
a lawful occupant, and consecrated by perty of Chsereus, vid. Naz. Orat. 21,
heretics. " Tradition" and " Canon" 29. who says it was the place where
seem used nearly as synonymous, p. 249, the people met Athanasius on bis return
r. 6. from exile on Coostantius's death.
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CHAR III.
RESTORATION OF THE CATHOLICS ON THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA,
§. 15. 1. While they were proceeding in like measures towards
1 p. 14, all, at Rome about fifty Bishops assembled 1 , and denounced
note b. ^ Eusebians, as persons suspected, afraid to come, and also
condemned as unworthy of credit the written statement they
2 and p. had sent; but us they received, and gladly embraced* our
hy&*n- communion. While these things were taking place, a report
m. vid. 0 f the Council held at Rome, and of the proceedings against
p. 39, r! the Churches at Alexandria, and through all the East, came
5.p.60, tQ ^ hearing of the Emperor Constans 3 . He writes to his
3 p. 158, brother Constantius, and immediately they both determine 4
°infr?§. t^ at a Council shall be called, aud matters be brought to
60 - a settlement, so that those who had been injured may be
released from further suffering, and the injurious be no
longer able to perpetrate such outrages. Accordingly there
assemble at the city of Sardica both from the East and West
to the number of one hundred and seventy Bishops % more
or less ; those who came from the West were Bishops only,
* *158 having Hosius for their father 6 , but those from the East
Snd ' brought with them instructors of youth and advocates,
i-SArf* ^ ount Musonianus 6 , and Hesychius 6 the Castrensian; on
xo*»t, whose account they came with great alacrity, thinking that
255 256. Gver y thing would be again managed by their authority.
6 p. 59, For thus by means of these persons they have always shewn
notes 3» •
b# ' themselves formidable to * any whom they wished to inti*-
midate, and have prosecuted their designs against whom-
soever they chose. But when they arrived and saw that the
* vid. sapr. p. 78, note o. Mont-
faucon argues in the Addenda in his
Pr«f. p. xxxiv. from the subscriptions
in St Hilary, p. 1292. that the Bishops
whose signatures occur without pro-
vinces annexed, (supr. p. 76.) were the
Bishops present — whereas those who
were absent signed with a mention of
their provinces. Accordingly he con-
siders the number of orthodox to be 86;
to which if we add the 70 or 80 Euse-
bians, we approximate to the number
170. If the parties were so nearly
matched, it is very remarkable that the
Eusebians should withdraw. But they
had the Pope, Athanasius, and Hosius
against them.
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Secession of the Eusebians at Sardica. 281
cause was to be conducted as simply an ecclesiastical one, tb. vdl
without the interference of the Count or of soldiers ; when — -
they saw the accusers who came from every church and city,
and the evidence which was brought against them, when
they saw the venerable Bishops Arms and Asterius 1 , who 1 ?. 233,
came up in their company, withdrawing from them and notea
siding with us, and giving an account of their profligate
conduct; as their whole proceedings had been suspicious,
so now they fear the consequences of a trial, lest they should
be convicted by us of being false informers, and it should be
discovered by those whom they produced in the character of
accusers, that they had themselves suggested all they were to
say, and were the contrivers of the plot.
2. Perceiving this to be the case, although they had come
with great zeal, as thinking that we should be afraid to meet
them, yet now when they saw our alacrity, they shut them-
selves up in the Palace b , (for they had their abode there,)
and proceeded to confer with one another in the following
manner, "We came hither for one result; and we see in
prospect another ; we arrived in company with Counts, and
the trial is proceeding without them. We are certainly con-
demned. You all know the orders that have been given.
The Athanasians have the reports of the proceedings in the
Mareotis 2 , by which he is cleared, and we are covered with 2 pp. 47,
disgrace. Why then do we delay ? why are we so slow ? J)^ 16 '
Let us invent some excuse and be gone, or we shall be
condemned if we remain. It is better to suffer the shame of
fleeing, than the disgrace of being convicted as false accusers.
If we flee, we shall find some means of defending our heresy ;
and even if they condemn us for our flight, still we have the
Emperor as our patron 8 , who will not suffer the people to 3 p. 226,
expel us from the Churches." Tf lm
3. They reasoned with themselves in this manner: and§. 16.
b The wordPalatiam sometimes stands might not lodge in it, except there
for the space or limits set apart in cities was no Prsetorium, vii. 10. 2. Gothofr.
for the Emperor, Cod. Theod.xv. 1. 47. in vii. 10, 1. enumerates (with refer-
sometimes for the buildings upon it, encesj the Palatia in Antioch, Daph-
ibid. vii. 10, 2. which were one of the ne, Constantinople, Heraclea, Milan,
four public works mentioned in the Treves, &c. It was a great mark then
Laws. ibid. xv. 1. 35. and 36. None of imperial favour that the Eusebians
but great officers of state were admitted were accommodated in the Palatium
into it. xv. 1. 47. Even the judges at Sardica.
Digitized by Google
282 Proceedings of the Council of Sardica.
A man Hosius and all the other Bishops repeatedly signified to them
Hl8T ' the alacrity of the Athanasians, saying, 4 They are ready with
their defence, and pledge themselves to prove you false
accusers. 9 They said also, i If you fear the trial, why did
you come to meet us? either you ought not to have come, or
now that you have come, not to flee.' When they heard this,
being still more alarmed, they had recourse to an excuse
* p. 227, even more indecent than that they pretended at Antioch 1 ,
T% 8 * viz. that they betook themselves to flight because the Emperor
had written to them the news of his victory over the Persians.
And this excuse they were not ashamed to send by Eusta-
thius a Presbyter of the Sardican Church. Nevertheless
their flight did not succeed according to their wishes ; for
immediately the holy Council, of which the great Hosius was
president, wrote to them plainly, saying, " Either come for-
ward and answer the charges which are brought against you,
for the false accusations which you have made against others,
or know that the Council will condemn you as guilty, and
declare Athanasius and his friends free and clear from all
blame." Whereupon they were rather impelled to flight by
the alarms of conscience, than to compliance with the pro-
posals of the letter : for when they saw those who had been
injured by them, they did not even turn their faces to listen
to their words, but fled with greater speed.
§. 17. 4. Under these disgraceful and unseemly circumstances
their flight took place. And the holy Council, which had
9 pp. 14, been assembled out of more than five and thirty provinces 2 ,
' r ' * perceiving the malice of the Arians, admitted the Athanasian
party to answer to the charges which they had brought
against them, and to declare the sufferings which they had
undergone. And when they had thus made their defence,
as we said before, they approved and so highly admired their
3 p. 230, conduct, that they gladly embraced 3 our communion, and
wrote letters to all quarters, to the diocese of each, and
especially to Alexandria, and Egypt, and the Libyas, declar-
ing Athanasius and his friends to be innocent, and free from
all blame, and their opponents to be calumniators, evil-doers,
4 P^8,and every thing rather thau Christians 4 . Accordingly they
s p. 75. dismissed them in peace; but deposed 5 Stephanus and Meno-
phantus, Acacius and George of Laodicea, Ursacius and
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Arian Persecution after Sardica. 233
Valens, Theodorus and Narcissus. And against Gregory tr. viii.
who had been sent to Alexandria by the Emperor, they put :
forth a proclamation to the effect that he had never been
made a Bishop, and that he ought not to be called a Chris-
tian 1 . They therefore declared the ordinations which he 'p. 68.
professed to have conferred to be void, and commanded % not
that they should not be even named in the Church, on*°J^
account of their novel and illegal nature. Thus Athanasius but in
and his friends were dismissed in peace (the letters concern-
ing them are inserted at the end on account of their length 9 ) ; Ar.supr.
and the Council was dissolved. 76. 60 ""
5. But the deposed persons, who ought now to have§. 18.
remained quiet, with those who had separated after so dis-
graceful a flight, were guilty of such conduct, that their
former proceedings appear trifling in comparison of these.
For when the people of Adrianople would not have com-
munion with them, as men who had fled from the Council,
and had been declared guilty, they carried their complaints
to the Emperor Constantius, and succeeded in causing ten
of the laity to be beheaded, belonging to the Manufactory of
arms 3 there, Fhilagrius, who was there again as Count, 3 de Fa-
assisting their designs in this matter also. The tombs ofJ™§ 0 .
these persons, which we have seen in passing by, are in front thofr.
of the city. Th eod ;
6. Then as if they had been quite successful, because *• 21 •
they had fled lest they should be convicted of false accu-
sation, they prevailed with the Emperor to command whatso-
ever they wished to be done. Thus they caused two Pres-
byters and three Deacons to be banished from Alexandria
into Armenia. As to Arius and Asterius, the former Bishop
of Petrae c in Palestine, the latter Bishop in Arabia, who had
c This seems to be the famous it Reland observes, Palestine, p. 928,
Petra, the capital of Edom, which has (in answer to Cellarius, who considered
lately been discovered by travellers ; in consequence that there were two
Edom being formed into the Province Petra, Le Quien Orien. Christ, t. 3.
Tertia Palestina, or at least called pp. 665. 666.) that as there is already
Palestine, about or soon after the time one error of text in this passage (as it
of St. Athanasius. But a difficulty appears), of Arius for Macarius, so the
arises from a passage in the Tomus ad word Petra may have fallen into the
Antioch. §. 10. where Asterius, the wrong place, instead of " the one of Pa-
fellow-sufferer with Arius, (or Maca- lestine, the other of Petra of Arabia j"
riu8, a* he is called supr. p. 74.) is said or that Petra may be a marginal note,
to be Bishop of Petra? of Arabia, as if the which has been incorporated with the
Petra of Palestine were distinct from text in the wrong place, as is con-
Digitized by Google
234 Tyrannical measures against (he Alexandrians.
Ariam withdrawn from their party, they not only banished into
Hl8T ' upper Libya, but also caused them to be treated with insult ;
§.19. and as to Lucius 1 , Bishop of Adrianople, when they saw that
note f 9 usec ^ & rea * boldness of speech against them, and exposed
p. 190. their impiety, they again, as they had done before, caused
him to be bound with iron chains on the neck and hands,
and so drove him into banishment, where he died, as they
»of Te- know. And Diodorus the Bishop 9 they transported from his
v?d°pp. pl ace > but against Olympius of iEni, and Theodulus of
76, 223. Trajanople 3 , both Bishops of Thrace, good and orthodox
not/g.' men > when they perceived their hatred of the heresy, they
brought false charges.
7. This the party of Eusebius had done first of all, and
the Emperor Constantius wrote letters on the subject ; and
4 Aca- next these men 4 revived the accusation. The purport of the
^°p B letters was, that they should not only be expelled from their
^'g' 1 ' cities and churches, but should suffer capital punishment,
7,note p. wherever they were discovered. However surprising this
conduct may be, it is only in accordance with their prin-
ciples; for as being instructed by the Eusebians in such
proceedings, and as heirs of their impiety and evil principles,
they wished to shew themselves formidable at Alexandria, as
their fathers had done in Thrace. They caused an order to
be written, that the ports and gates of the cities should be
watched, lest availing themselves of the permission granted
by the Council, the banished persons should return to their
churches. They also cause orders to be sent to the magis-
trates at Alexandria, respecting Athanasius and certain Pres-
nhisac-byters, named therein, that if either the Bishop 5 , or any of
forAth.'s ^ e ot hers, should be found coming to the city or its borders,
caution, the magistrate should have power to behead those who were
80, and firmed by the ran of the passage supr. Epistle, but in the Historia Arianor.
236, r.5. p. 74. and by passages to which he re- §. 18." Palest, vol. 2. p. 665. But these
fers in St. Hilary. He observes more- were but two titles of the same work,
over, on the improbability of the silence till Montfaucon more correctly confined
of Eusebius, St. Jerome, the acts of the former to the short introduction to a
Councils, and ancient Notitiffi, suppos- lost dogmatic work which is prefixed to
ing there were two Petrse. Dr. Robin- the History, (vid. supr. pp. 210, 216, and
son, who in his recent elaborate and note of Amanuensis in Calc. Hist.) yet
useful work on Palestine, referring to even Montf. calls the History, " Ep. ad
Beland, observes, that " the passage [in Sol." Notes, torn. 1 . p. 150, 151 . correct-
the text] is usually referred to as con- ing himself in Prsef. xxxiii. And it is
tained in the * Epist. ad solitariam Vi- called " Epistle to the Solitaries" by
tam agentes,* though in the Benedictine Ceillier even since Montfaucon.
Edition at least, it is found, not in that
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Plot against the Catholic Legates at Antioch. 235
so discovered. Thus this new Jewish heresy 1 does not only tr. viii.
deny the Lord, but has also learnt to commit murder. r^nf
8. Yet even after this they did not rest ; but as the father p . 4.
of their heresy goeth about 9 like a lion, seeking whom he §• 20.
may devour, so these obtaining the use of the public posts 3
went about, and whenever they found any that reproached vid ^ u
them with their flight, and that hated the Arian heresy, they? p . ioo 7
scourged them, cast them into chains, and caused them to be note y *
banished from their country ; and they rendered themselves
so formidable, as to induce many to dissemble, many to fly
into the deserts, rather than willingly even to have any
dealings with them. Such were the enormities which their
madness prompted them to commit after their flight.
9. Moreover they perpetrate another outrageous act, which
is indeed in accordance with the character of their heresy, but
is such as was never heard of before, nor is likely soon to
take place again, even among the more dissolute of the
Gentiles 4 , much less among Christians. The holy Council 4 pp. 9,
had sent as Legates the Bishops Vincentius 5 of Capua, (this- 1 ^ 236,
is the Metropolis of Campania,) and Euphrates of Agrippina 6 ,|- 64.
(this is the Metropolis of Upper Gaul,) that they might no t e c . '
obtain the Emperor's consent to the decision of the Council,? Co *
. logne.
that the Bishops should return to their Churches, inasmuch
as he was the author of their expulsion. The most religious
Constans had also written to his brother 7 , and supported the 7 ^fr»
cause of the Bishops. But these admirable men, who are** 60 "
equal to any act of audacity, when they saw the two Legates
at Antioch, consulted together and formed a plot, which
Stephanus 8 undertook by himself to execute, as being a 8 Bishop
suitable instrument for such purposes. Accordingly they^och^p,
hire a common harlot, even at the season of the most holy 6°> r « 6.
Easter, and stripping her introduce her by night into the
apartment of the Bishop Euphrates. The harlot who
thought that it was a young man who had sent to invite
her, at first willingly accompanied them; but when they
thrust her in, and she saw the man asleep and unconscious
of what was going on, and when presently she distinguished
his features, and beheld the face of an old man, and the
figure of a Bishop, she immediately cried aloud, and declared
that violence was used towards her. They desired her to be
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286
Constantius^ change of mind.
Abian silent, and to lay a false charge against the Bishop ; and so
Hl8T ' when it was day, the matter was noised abroad, and all the
note^ 1 ' C ^ 11111 together; and those who came from the Palace 1 were
in great commotion, wondering at the report which had been
spread abroad, and demanding that it should not be passed
by in silence. An enquiry therefore was made, and her
2 irmp- master 8 gave information concerning those who came to
****** fetch the harlot, and these informed against Stephanus;
for they were his Clergy. Stephanus therefore is deposed,
and Leontius the eunuch 3 appointed in his place, only that
24T!note*k e Arian heresy may not want a supporter.
*• 10. And now the Emperor Constantius, feeling some
* compunctions, returned to a right 4 mind; and concluding
from their conduct towards Euphrates, that their attacks
upon the others were of the same kind, he gives orders that
the Presbyters and Deacons who had been banished from
Alexandria into Armenia should immediately be released.
He also writes publicly to Alexandria commanding that the
clergy and laity who were friends of Athanasius should suffer
no further persecution. And when Gregory died about ten
months after, he sends for Athanasius with every mark of
honour, writing to him no less than three times a very
* pp. 79, friendly letter 5 , in which he exhorted him to take courage
and come. He sends also a Presbyter and a Deacon, that
he may be still further encouraged to return ; for he thought
6 vid. p. that, through alarm at what had taken place before, I 6 did
not care to return. Moreover he writes to his brother
Constans, that he also would exhort me to return. And he
affirmed that he had been expecting Athanasius a whole
year, and that he would not permit any change to be made,
or any ordination to take place, as he was preserving the
Churches for Athanasius their Bishop.
§. 22. 11. When therefore he wrote in this strain, and encouraged
him by means of many, (for he caused Polemius, Datianus,
7 p. 166, Bardion, Thalassus 7 , Taurus 8 , and Florentius, his Counts, in
8At*Ari- w hom Athanasius could best confide, to write also;) Atha-
minum. nasius committing the whole matter to God, who had stirred
the conscience of Constantius to do this, came with his
friends to him ; and he gave him a favourable audience, and
sent him away to go to his country and his Churches,
Digitized by Google
Letters of Constantius in behalf of Athanasius. 237
writing at the same time to the magistrates in the several tr. viii.
places, that whereas he had before commanded the ways to — = ^- :
be guarded, they should now grant him a free passage.
Then when the Bishop complained of the sufferings he had
undergone, and of the letters which the Emperor had written
against him, and besought him that the false accusations
against him might not be revived by his enemies after his
departure, saying, " If you please, summon these persons ;
for as far as we are concerned they are at liberty to stand
forth, and we will expose their conduct ;" he would not do
this, but commanded that whatever had been before
slanderously written against him should all be destroyed
and obliterated, affirming that he would never again listen
to any such accusations, and that his purpose was fixed and
unalterable. This he did not simply say, but sealed his
words with an oath, calling upon God to be witness of them.
And so encouraging him with many other words, and de-
siring him to be of good courage, he sends the following
letters to the Bishops and Magistrates.
12. Constantius Augustus, the Great, the Conqueror, to §. 23.
the Bishops and Clergy of the Catholic Church.
The most Reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by
the grace of God ! , &c. 1
Apol.
Another Letter.
From Constantius to the people of Alexandria. 64#
r r supr. p.
Desiring as we do your welfare in all respects 8 , &c. 82.^
Apol.
Another Letter. contr.
. -~ Arian.
Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Nestonus, Pre- $ . 56.
feet of Egypt. JJf-P-
It is well known that an order was heretofore given by us,
and that certain documents are to be found prejudicial to
the character of the most reverend Bishop Athanasius ; and
that these exist among the Orders 3 of your worship. Now3 or Ac-
we desire your Prudence, of which we have good proof, to J* ™^
transmit to our Court, in compliance with this our order, all supr. p.
the letters respecting the fore-mentioned person, which are 84,
found in your Order-Book 3 .
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238 Return of Athanasius from second exile.
Arian 13* The following is the letter which he wrote after the
HlST * death of the blessed Constans. It was written in Latin, and
Mother* 8 here translated into Greek 1 .
trans- t
lation, Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Athanasius.
p. 174.
It is not unknown to your Prudence, that it was my
constant prayer, that prosperity might attend my late
brother Constans in all his undertakings ; and your wisdom
may therefore imagine how greatly I was afflicted when I
learnt that he had been taken off by most unhallowed hands.
Now whereas there are certain persons who at the present
time endeavour to alarm you by that so melancholy event, I
have therefore thought it right to address this letter to your
Constancy, to exhort you that, as becomes a Bishop, you
would teach the people those things which pertain to the
service of God, and that, as you are accustomed to do, you
would employ your time in prayers together with them, and
not give credit to vain rumours, whatever they may be.
For our fixed determination is, that you should continue,
agreeably to our desire, to perform the office of a Bishop in
your own place. May Divine Providence, preserve you,
4 fnZ most beloved Father*, many years.
§. 25. 14. Under these circumstances, when they had at length
taken their leave, and commenced their journey, those who
were friendly to them rejoiced to see their friend ; but of the
other party, some were confounded at the sight of himj
others not having the confidence to appear, hid themselves ;
and others repented of what they had written against the
Bishop. Thus all the Bishops of Palestine, except some
two or three, and those men of suspected character, so
willingly received Athanasius, and embraced communion
*p.85. with him 3 , that they wrote to excuse themselves, on the
ground that in what they had formerly written, they had
* *mtk acted, not according to their own wishes 4 , but by compulsion,
Qf tne Bishops of Egypt and the Libyan provinces, of the
laity both of those countries and of Alexandria, it is super-
fluous for me to speak. They all ran together, and were
possessed with unspeakable delight, that they had not only
received their friends alive contrary to their hopes ; but that
Digitized by Google
Recantation of Ursacius and Valens, 239
they were also delivered from the heretics who were asTR.viu.
tyrants and as raging dogs towards them. Accordingly — 1 — -
great was their joy, the people in the congregations
encouraging one another in virtue. How many unmarried
women, who were before ready to enter upon marriage, now
remained virgins to Christ ! How many young men, seeing
the examples of others, embraced the monastic life ! How
many fathers persuaded their children, and how many
were urged by their children, to submit themselves to
Christian discipline 1 ! How many wives persuaded their 1
husbands, and how many were persuaded by their husbands, p!*202,
to give themselves to prayer, as the Apostle has spoken ! r * 2 -
How many widows and how many orphans, who were before
hungry and naked, now through the great zeal of the people,
were no longer hungry, and went forth clothed ! Tn a word,
so great was their emulation in virtue, that you would have
thought every family and every house a Church, by reason
of the goodness of its inmates, and the prayers which were
offered to God* And in the Churches there was a profound
and wonderful peace, while the Bishops wrote from all
quarters, and received from Athanasius the customary letters
of peace*
15. Moreover Ursacius and Valens, as if suffering the§. 26.
scourge of conscience, came to another mind, and wrote to
the Bishop himself a friendly and peaceable letter 3 , although 2 p. 86,
they had received no communication from him. And going e q '
up 3 to Rome they repented, and confessed that all their pro- 3 «wx-
ceedings and assertions against him were founded in false- JTSS' r,
hood and mere calumny. And they not only voluntarily did ^39.
this, but also anathematized the Arian heresy, and presented 242,
a written declaration of their repentance, addressing to the^ auli *
Bishop Julius the following letter in Latin, which has been supr. p.
translated into Greek. The Latin copy was sent to us byp 6 a " ulia-
Paul 4 Bishop of Tibur. ™ 8 ? P-
Translation from the Latin. supr. p.
113.
Ursacius and Valens to my 5 Lord the most blessed Pope 6
T V Apol.
JullUS. contr.
Whereas it is well known that we 6 , &c, supr. p 8 ,
86.
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240 Triumph of Athanasius.
A£tan Translation from the Latin.
l **tftf The Bishops Ursacius and Valens to my 1 Lord and^Brother,
JJJJ^ the Bishop Athanasius.
113
jyid. Having an opportunity of sending 8 , &c.
Apol.
§°58 Ar After W "^ n & tnese > Aey also subscribed the letters of
rapr. p. peace which were presented to them by Peter and Irenaeus,
8# Presbyters of Athanasius, and by Ammonius a layman, who
were passing that way, although Athanasius had sent no
communication to them by these persons.
§. 27. 16. Now who was not filled with admiration at witness-
ing these things, and the great peace that prevailed in the
Churches? who did not rejoice to see the concord of so
many Bishops ? who did not glorify the Lord, beholding the
delight of the people in their assemblies ? How many enemies
repented ! How many excused themselves who had formerly
accused him falsely ! How many who formerly hated him,
now shewed affection for him ! How many of those who had
3 *«xj»«- written against him, recanted 3 their assertions! Many also
^""who had sided with the Arians, not through choice but by
necessity, came by night and excused themselves. They
anathematized the heresy, and besought him to pardon them,
because, although through the plots and calumnies of these
men they appeared bodily on their side, yet in their hearts
they held communion with Athanasius, and were always
*pp.i58, with him. Believe me, this is true 4 .
216.
v
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CHAP. IV.
SECOND ARIAN PERSECUTION UNDER CONSTANTIUS.
1. But the inheritors 1 of the opinions and impiety of the §. 28.
Eusebians, the eunuch Leon this*, who ought not to remain * p ^ 234 >
in communion even as a layman*, because he mutilated himself 2 Can.
that he might henceforward be at liberty to sleep with one^t ^id!
Eustolium 3 , who is a wife as far as he is concerned, but isMorin.
called a virgin; and George and Acacius, and Theodoras, B . iss. *
and Narcissus, who were deposed by the Council; when P' 208 -
they heard and saw these things, were greatly ashamed.
And when they perceived the unanimity and peace that
existed between Athanasius and the Bishops; (they were
more than four hundred 4 , from great Rome, and all Italy, 4 after
from Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttia, Sicily, Sardinia, ^Tp!*'
78, note
in which a youth persuades his hride, °*
it mbrn v*» <rettr£ii , «-J <r{"rp rZt ydpvt
hpl& tiist. iv. 12.' Another is the
instance so beautifully related by St.
Gregory of Tours, in which the bride
persuades her husband ; " puella, gra-
viter contristata, aversa ad parietem,
* Various writers have treated on the
subject of that great scandal of the
early centuries, the ftnutmxrau. The
most charitable account of it is to
be found in the unprotected state of
women dedicated to a single life when
or where Convents did not exist " She
says that she has no protector, husband,
guardian, father, nay, nor brother,
&c. Chrysost. ap. Basn. Dissert, vii.
19. ad Ann. Eccles. t. 2. And the ex-
ample of the Holy and Blessed Virgin
was adduced, whom our Lord consigned
to the care of St John, Epiph. Hsr. 78.
11. which the Nicene Council so far ac-
knowledged that it dispensed with its
prohibition in favour of mother, sister,
aunt, or other person, to whom no sus-
picion could attach. Nay, even in
the case of the atrocious extra va -
fance, which St. Cyprian repro-
ates, Ep. 62. (ed. Ben.) and which
in a still more perverted and shock-
ing form is spoken of in the text, it
must be recollected that it was not un-
known to primitive times for husband
and wife to vow continency and yet to
cohabit Theodoret gives an instance
amarissime flebat," till " tunc ille, ar-
matus crucis vexillo, ait, Faciam qu«
hortaris, et datis inter se dextris, qui-
everunt." He adds, " Multos postea in
uno strata recumbentes annos, vixerunt
cum castitate laudabili." Hist. Franc,
i. 42. What was found possible in the
married, others had the indecency and
wiidness to attempt in the single state.
On the 9wuv*»rw y vid. Mosheim de Re-
bus Ante Const, p. 599. Bouth, Reliqu.
Sacr. t. 2. p. 506. t. 3. p. 445. Basnag.
Diss. vii. 19. in Ann. Eccles. t. 2.
Muratori Anecdot. Grcec. p. 218. Dod-
well, Dissert Cyprian, iii. Bevereg. in
Can. Nic. 3. Suicer. Thesaur. in voc.
&c.&c. It is conjectured by Beveridge,
Dodwell, Van Espen, &c. that Leontius
gave occasion to the first Canon of the
Nicene Council, n(i vSn toX/m^vm*
\avr§vs Inrifiruv.
R
Digitized by Google
242 Relapse of Ursacius and Valens,
Arian Corsica, and the whole of Africa; and those from Gaul,
J?!i T - Britain, and Spaiu, with the great Confessor Hosius; and
also those from Pannonia, Noricum, Siscia, Dalmatia, Dar-
dania, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and all Achaia,
and from Crete, Cyprus, and Lycia, with most of those from
Palestine, Isauria, Egypt, the Thebais, the whole of Libya,
and Pentapolis;) when I say they perceived these things,
they were possessed with envy and fear; with envy, on
account of the communion of so many together; and with
fear, lest those who had been entrapped by them should be
brought over by the unanimity of so great a number, and
henceforth their heresy should be triumphantly exposed, and
every where proscribed.
§. 29. 2. First of all they persuade Ursacius and Valens to change
vid. sides again, and like dogs to return to their own vomit, and
2, 22! lite swine to wallow again in the former mire of their impiety;
and they make this excuse for their retractation, that they
did it through fear of the most religious Constans. And yet
even had there been cause for fear, yet if they had confidence
in what they had done, they ought not to have become traitors
to their friends. But when there was no cause for fear, and
yet they were guilty of a lie, are they not deserving of utter
1 p- 1 ?!, condemnation? For no soldier was present, no Palatine 1 or
2 P . 173, Notary 2 had been sent, as they now send them, nor yet was
"afxnJi* ^ e ^ m P eror tnere > nor na( i tne y been summoned 3 by any
«■„, p. one, when they wrote their recantation. But they voluntarily
4p 2, 2 23*went up 4 to Rome, and of their own accord recanted and
r. 6. wrote it down in the Church, where there was no fear from
without, where the only fear is the fear of God, and where
5 infr. every one has liberty of conscience 6 . And yet although they
nofe 4 b! naye a secon d tmie become Arians, and then have devised
this indecent excuse for their conduct, they are still without
shame.
§. 30. 3. In the next place they went in a body to the Emperor
Constantius, and besought him, saying, "When we first made
our request to you, we were not believed ; for we told you,
when you sent for Athanasius, that by inviting him to come
forward, you were expelling our heresy. For he has been
opposed to it from the very first, and never ceases to anathe-
matize it. He has already written letters against us into all
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and of Constantius.
243
parts of the world, and the majority of men have embraced JJ^Jj 1 -
communion with him ; and even of those who seemed to be 1
on our side, some have been gained over by him, and others
are likely to be. And we are left alone, so that the fear is,
lest the character of our heresy become known, and hence-
forth both we and you gain the name of heretics. And if
this come to pass, you must take care that we be not classed
with the Manichaeans. Therefore begin again to persecute,
and support the heresy, for it accounts you its king." Such
was the language of their iniquity. And the Emperor, when
in his passage through the country on his hasty march against
Magnentius 1 , he saw the communion of the Bishops with 'p. 159,
Athanasius, like one set on fire, suddenly changed his mind, note
and no longer remembered his oaths, but was alike forgetful
of what he had written, and regardless of the duty he owed
his brother. For in his letters to him, as well as in his
interview with Athanasius, he took an oath that he would
not act otherwise than as the people should wish, and as
should be agreeable to the Bishop. But his zeal for impiety
caused him at once to forget all these things. And yet one
ought not to wonder that after so many letters and so many
oaths Constantius had altered his mind, when we remember
that Pharaoh 2 of old, the tyrant of Egypt, after frequently 2 p. 246,
promising and by that means obtaining a remission of his r ' 5 *
punishments, likewise changed, until he at last perished
together with his associates in wickedness.
4. He compelled then the people in every city to change §. 31.
their party ; and on arriving at Aries and Milan, he proceeded
to act entirely in accordance with the designs and suggestions
of the heretics; or rather they acted themselves, and receiving
authority from him, furiously attacked every one. Letters
and orders were immediately sent hither to the Prefect, that
for the future the corn should be taken from Athanasius and
given to those who favoured the Arian doctrines, and that
whoever pleased might freely insult them that held com-
munion with him ; and a threat was held out to the magis-
trates, if they did not hold communion with the Arians.
These things were but the prelude to what afterwards took
place under the direction of the Duke Syrianus.
5. Orders were sent also to the more distant parts, and
R2
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244
Avian subscription, or banishment.
Am an Notaries despatched to every city, and Palatines, with threats
Hl8T * to the Bishops and Magistrates, directing the Magistrates to
urge on the Bishops, and informing the Bishops that either
they must subscribe against Athanasius, and hold communion
with the Arians, or themselves undergo the punishment of
exile, while the people who took part with them were to
understand that chains, and insults, and scourgings, and the
loss of their possessions, would be their portion. These
orders were not neglected, for the commissioners had in their
company the Clergy of Ursacius and Valeus, to inspire them
with zeal, and to inform the Emperor if the Magistrates
neglected their duty. The other heresies, as younger sisters
'vol. 8. of their own 1 , they permitted to blaspheme the Lord, and
notofm. on ^y conspired against the Christians, not enduring to hear
P te 8 b' ort hodox language concerning Christ. How many Bishops
in consequence, according to the words of Scripture, were
brought before rulers and kings, and received this sentence
from magistrates, " Subscribe, or withdraw from your churches,
for the Emperor has commanded you to be deposed !" How
many in every city were made to waver, lest they should
accuse them as friends of the Bishops ! Moreover letters were
sent to the city authorities, and a threat of a fine was held
out to them, if they did not compel the Bishops of their
respective cities to subscribe. In short, every place and
every city was full of fear and confusion, while the Bishops
were dragged along to trial, and the magistrates witnessed
the lamentations and groans of the people.
§. 32. 6. Such were the proceedings of the Palatine commis-
sioners; on the other hand, those admirable persons,
confident in the patronage which they had obtained, display
great zeal, and cause some of the Bishops to be summoned
before the Emperor, while they persecute others by letters,
inventing charges against them ; to the intent that the one
might be overawed by the presence of Constantius, and the
other, through fear of the commissioners and the threats
held out to them in these pretended accusations, might be
2 prtfnt. brought to renounce their orthodox and pious opinions 9 .
jj^ntf^'ln this manner it was that the Emperor forced so great a
multitude of Bishops, partly by threats, and partly by
promises, to declare, " We will no longer hold corn-
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Google
Persecution is from the Devil.
245
munion with Athanasius." For those who came for anTn.vin.
interview, were not admitted to his presence, nor allowed 32? 3S *
any relaxation, not so much as to go out of their dwell-
ings, until they had either subscribed, or refused and
incurred banishment thereupon. And this he did because
he saw that the heresy was hateful 1 to all men. For this l p- 217,
reason especially he compelled so many to add their names 223) r.s.
to the small number 9 of the Arians, his earnest desire being P*| 48 >
to collect together a crowd of names, both from envy of the 259. P
Bishop, and for the sake of making a shew in favour of the* P g 132 >
Arian impiety, of which he is the patron ; supposing that he
will be able to alter the truth, as easily as he can influence j 0 hni9,
the minds of men. He knows not, nor has ever read, how
that the Sadducees and the Herodians, taking unto them p . 190/
the Pharisees, were not able to obscure the truth; rather
Jir*. p.
it shines out thereby more brightly every day, while they 228,
crying out, We have no king but Ctesar 3 , and obtaining the^®^'
judgment of Pilate in their favour, are nevertheless leftdfedin
destitute, and wait in utter shame, expecting shortly 4 to ,^45.
become bereft, like the partridge, when they shall see their vid.Jer.
patron near his death. Sept/'
7. Now if it was altogether unbecoming in any of the §. 33.
Bishops to change their opinions merely from fear of these
things, yet it was much more so 5 , aud not the part of men 5 p- 193
who have confidence in what they believe, to force and
compel the unwilling. In this manner it is that the Devil,
when he has no truth on his side b , attacks and breaks down vid. Ps.
the doors of them that admit him with axes and hammers. 74 ' 6 "
But our Saviour is so gentle that He teaches thus, //' any Mat. 16,
man wills to come after Me, and, Whoever wills to be My
disciple ; and coming to each He does not force them, but
knocks at the door and says, Open unto Me, My sister, My Can *«
spouse ; and if they open to Him, He enters in, but if they
delay and will not, He departs from them. For the truth is
not preached with swords or with darts, nor by means of
soldiers; but by persuasion and counsel. But what per-
suasion is there where fear of the Emperor prevails ? or what
counsel is there, when he who withstands them receives at
b The fault consists in substituting vid. p. 279, note c.
persecution for the power of truth.
Goc
Digitized by
246 Banishment of the Western Bishops
Arian last banishment and death? Even David, although he was
Hl8T ' a king, and had his enemy in his power, prevented not the
soldiers by an exercise of authority when they wished to kill
his enemy, but, as the Scripture says, David persuaded his
vid. men by arguments, and suffered them not to rise up and put
26, 9. Saul to death. But he, being without arguments of reason,
forces all men by his power, that it may be shewn to all,
that their wisdom is not according to God, but merely
human, and that they who favour the Arian doctrines have
indeed no king but Caesar ; for by his means it is that these
enemies of Christ accomplish whatsoever they wish to do.
8. But while they thought that they were carrying on
their designs against many by his means, they knew not
that they were making many to be confessors, of whom
are those who have lately made so glorious a confession,
> P 239, religious men, and excellent Bishops, Paulinus 1 Bishop of
*p!"i9i, Treves the Metropolis of Gaul, Lucifer 2 Bishop of the
r. 3—6. Metropolis of Sardinia, Eusebius of Vercelli in Italy, and
Dionysius of Milan, which is the Metropolis of Italy.
These the Emperor summoned before him, and commanded
them to subscribe against Athanasius, and to hold com-
munion with the heretics ; and when they were astonished
at this novel procedure, and said that there was no Ecclesi-
3 p. 3. astical Canon 3 to this effect, he immediately said, "Whatever
I will, be that esteemed a Canon ; the Bishops of Syria let
me thus speak. Either then obey, or go into banishment.
§.34. 9. When the Bishops heard this they were utterly amazed,
and stretching forth their hands to God, they used great
boldness of speech against him, teaching him that the king-
dom was not his, but God's who had given it to him, whom
also they bid him fear, lest He should suddenly take it away
from him. And they threatened him with the day of
judgment, and warned him against infringing Ecclesiastical
* 3i*t«- order, and mingling Roman sovereignty with the constitution 4
249 P r °^ * e Church, nor to introduce the Arian heresy into the
io. Church of God. But he would not listen to them, nor per-
mit theui to speak further, but threatened them so much the
more, and drew his sword against them, and gave orders for
some of them to be led to punishment ; although afterwards,
5 p. 243, like Pharaoh 5 , he repented. The holy men therefore shaking
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spread the knowledge of the truth.
247
off the dust, and looking up to God, neither feared theTuviu.
threats of the Emperor, nor betrayed their cause before his - —
drawn sword ; but received their banishment, as a service
pertaining to their ministry. And as they passed along,
they preached the Gospel in every place and city *, although 1 infr » p-
they were in bonds, proclaiming the orthodox faith, anathe- vid.Acts
matizing the Arian heresy, and stigmatizing the recantation
of Ursacius and Valens. But this was contrary to the 12. '
intention of their enemies ; for the greater was the distance
of their place of banishment, so much the more was the
hatred against them increased, while the wanderings of these
men were but the heralding of their impiety. For who that
saw them as they passed along, did not greatly admire them
as Confessors, and renounce and abominate the others, 2 tytm,
via. pi
calling them not only impious men, but executioners 2 , and 133, r.
murderers, and every thing rather than Christians 3 ?
p. 208,
note b.
CHAP. V.
PERSECUTION AND LAPSE OF LIBERIUS.
§.35. 1. Now it had been better if from the first Constantius
had never become connected with this heresy at all; or
being connected with it, if he had not yielded so much to
those impious men ; or having yielded to them, if he had
stood by them only thus far, so that judgment might
come upon them all for these atrocities alone. But as it
would seem, like madmen, having entangled themselves in the
bonds of impiety, they are drawing down upon their own
» in con- heads a more severe judgment. Thus from the first 1 they
date of spared not even Liberius Bishop of Rome, but extended •
his 2 ^* 11 > their fury 2 even to those parts; they respected not his
r. 6. ' bishopric, because it was an Apostolical throne; they felt
no reverence for Rome, because she is the Metropolis of
Romania b ; they remembered not that formerly in their
letters they had spoken of her Bishops as Apostolical men.
But confounding all things together, they at once forgot
every thing, and cared only to shew their zeal in behalf of
impiety. When they perceived that he was an orthodox
3 pp.245, m an, and hated 3 the Arian heresy, and earnestly endeavoured
r.2. 'to persuade all persons to renounce and withdraw from it,
these impious men reasoned thus with themselves : " If we
can persuade Liberius, we shall soon prevail over all."
* rip futuai l^irutati vid. ixfunu yet perhaps Athanatrius uses it from
rtit/iMtUp. infr.p.254.r. 1. And so in the his familiarity with Latin ideas dor-
letter of the Council of Chaleedon to ing his frequent exiles in the West,
Pope Leo; which says that Dioseorus, just as he also adopts some of their
»ar avrev rnt kp*'ik»t> rfo QvXaxh* vrtc^k theological terms. The Eusebians had
rovevrnpt Wtwtmpftinu rnt fiattat igs - in the first instance resisted the autho-
rim. Xtyoftttih. rm ent Utirnrt- Hard, rity of Rome, though with expressions
Cone. t. 2. p. 656. As to the words In of respect, supr. p. 40, note c.
stolical throne or see," is given also, Empire, according to Montfaucon after
though not as an Jippellative, to the sees Nannius. vid, Prsefat. xxxiv. xxxv.
of Antioch, Ephesus, &c. vid. Tertull. And so Epiph. Ha?r. lxvi. 1 fin. p. 618.
de Prescript. 36. August. Ep. 43. 7. and lxviii. 2 init. p. 728. Nil. Ep. i. 75.
Even were it to be here construed vid. Ducange Gloss. Grsec. in voc.
" because it is the Apostolical see,"
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The Eunuch Eusebius attempts Liberius in vain. 249
2. Accordingly they accuse him falsely before the Em-TB.vni.
peror; and he, expecting easily to draw over all men to his 35> 3g *
by means of Liberius, writes to him, and sends a
certain eunuch called Eusebius with letters and offerings, to
cajole him with the presents, and to threaten him with the
letters. The eunuch accordingly went to Rome, and first
proposed to Liberius to subscribe against Athanasius, and to
hold communion with the Arians, saying, " The Emperor
wishes it, and commands you to do so." And then shewing
him the offerings, he took him by the hand, and again
besought him, saying, " Be persuaded to comply with the
Emperor's request, and receive these." But the Bishop 30.
endeavoi^red to convince him, reasoning with him thus:
" How is it possible for me to do this against Athanasius ?
how can we condemn a man, whom not one 1 Council only, i a t^] ex .
but a second 9 assembled from all parts of the world 3 , has fairly andria.
acquitted, and whom the Church of Rome dismissed in peace? aica. ar "
who will approve of our conduct, if we reject in his absence 3
one, whose presence 4 amongst us we gladly welcomed 6 , andf vi £ p
admitted him to our communion? There is no Ecclesiastical 49 fin.
Canon 6 which can authorize such a proceeding; nor have we,.^ 230 '
had transmitted to us any such tradition 7 from the Fathers, ®PP^i,
which they might have received from the great and blessed 7*4^.
Apostle Peter 8 . r "^ d -
3. " But if the Emperor is really concerned for the peace note b!
of the Church, if he requires our decrees respecting
Athanasius to be reversed, let their proceedings both against
him and against all the others be reversed also ; and then
let an Ecclesiastical Council be called at a distance from
the Court 9 , at which the Emperor shall not be present, nor 9 0 r Pa-
any Count be admitted, nor magistrate to threaten us, but lace >
where only the fear of God, and the Apostolical rule 10 shall 25*22?,"
prevail ; that so in the first place, the faith of the Church ***~ 9
may be secured, as the Fathers defined it in the Council of
Nicaea, and the supporters of the Arian doctrines may be^j^"
cast out, and their heresy anathematized. And then after ^pr- pp.
that, an enquiry being made into the charges brought 57 9 246 "
against Athanasius, and any other beside, as well as into
those things of which the other party is accused, let the
guilty be cast out, and the innocent receive encouragement
250 Liberius refuses the Emperor's offering.
Arian and support. For it is impossible that they who maintain
Hist. m impious creed can be admitted as members of a Council ;
nor is it fit that an enquiry into matters of conduct should
1 vid. precede the enquiry concerning the faith 1 ; but all diversity
vidn!" °f °P m i° n on points of faith ought first to be eradicated,
Cone, and then the enquiry made into matters of conduct. Our
SaVpii Lord Jesus Christ did not heal them that were afflicted,
Hist.iL until they shewed and declared what faith they had in Him.
These things* we have received from the Fathers; these
report to the Emperor ; for they are both profitable for him
and edifying to the Church. But let not Ursacius and
Valens be listened to, for they have retracted their former
assertions, and in what they now say they are not to be
trusted."
§. 37. 4. These were the words of the Bishop Liberius. And
*tvfv X ef the eunuch 9 , who was vexed, not so much because he would
not subscribe, as because he found him an enemy to the
3 «^f l- heresy, forgetting that he was in the presence of a Bishop 3 ,
™* 0 *" after threatening him severely, went away with the offerings;
and proceeded to perpetrate an offence, which is foreign
4 from a Christian, and too audacious for a eunuch 4 . In
rm imitation of the transgression of Saul, he went to the
Martyry c of the Apostle Peter, and then presented the of-
ferings. But Liberius having notice of it, was very angry
with the person who kept the place, that he had not pre-
vented him, and cast out the offerings as an unlawful sacrifice,
5 «-«4x«- which iucreased the anger of the mutilated 5 creature against
Mf him. Consequently he exasperates the Emperor against
him, saying, " The matter that concerns us is no longer the
obtaining the subscription of Liberius, but the fact that he
is so resolutely opposed to the heresy, that he anathematizes
the Arians by name." He also stirs up the other eunuchs
to say the same ; for many of those who are about Con-
6 vid. stantius, or rather the whole number of them, are eunuchs 6 ,
Gibbon,
19 init. * c u Under this eanopy,"[the Baldac- he was only a priest, constructed a
chino in the present St. Peter's Church,] chapel here in 106, which was called
is the high altar, which is only used on the Confessional of St. Peter, and in-
the most solemn ceremonies, and be- closed the body of the Apostle in a mar-
neath it repose the bodies of St. Peter ble urn. Constantine is reported to
and St. Paul. That of St. Peter lies have covered the urn with metal, so
in the place where it was first buried, that it can never be seen." Burton's
It is said that Pope Anacletus, while Rome, p. 425.
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Troubles at Rome upon Liberies firmness. 251
who engross all the influence with him, and it is impossible to tr. viii.
do any thing there without them. The Emperor accordingly — ! — 1
writes to Rome, and again Palatines, and Notaries, and
Counts are sent off with letters to the Prefect, in order that
either they may inveigle Liberius by stratagem away from
Rome and send him to the Court to him, or else persecute
him by violence.
5. Such being the tenor of the letters, there also fear and §. 38.
treachery forthwith prevailed throughout the whole city.
How many were the families against which threats were
held out ! How many received great promises on condition
of their acting against Liberius ! How many Bishops hid
themselves when they saw these things ! How many noble
women retired to their estates in consequence of the calum-
nies of the enemies of Christ ! How many ascetics were made
the objects of their plots ! How many who were sojourning
there, and had made that place their home, did they cause to
be persecuted ! How often and how strictly did they guard the
harbour 1 and the approaches to the gates, lest any orthodox 1 Ostia,
person should enter and visit Liberius ! Rome also had trial Gibbon,
of the enemies of Christ, and now experienced what before J*' 8 ^
she would not believe, when she heard how the other p . 303.
Churches in every city were ravaged by them.
6. It was the eunuchs who instigated these proceedings
against all. And the most remarkable circumstance in the
matter is this ; that the Arian heresy which denies the Son
of God, receives its support from eunuchs, who, as both their
bodies are fruitless, and their souls barren of the seeds of
virtue, cannot bear even to hear the name of son. The
Eunuch of Ethiopia indeed, though he understood not what Acts 8,
he read, believed the words of Philip, when he taught him 27 '
concerning our Saviour; but the eunuchs of Constantius
cannot endure the confession of Peter 3 , nay, they turn*^*-
away when the Father manifests the Son, and madly rage allusion
against those who say, that the Son of God is His genuine J^^a
Son, thus claiming as a heresy of eunuchs, that there is no p. 57,
genuine and true offspring of the Father. On these grounds Hard?
it is that the law forbids such persons to be admitted into Cone. t.
any ecclesiastical Council 3 ; notwithstanding which these ^ p,306 >
have now regarded them as competent judges of cccle-yj^
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252
Liberiuis speech to Constantius.
Arian siastical causes, and whatever seems good to them, that
5i!ZL Constantius decrees, while men with the name of Bishops
dissemble with them. Oh ! who shall be their historian ?
who shall transmit the record of these things to future
generations ? who indeed would believe it, were he to hear
it, that eunuchs who are scarcely entrusted with household
1 fixflu- services (for theirs is a pleasure-loving 1 race, that has no
the key serious concern but that of hindering in others what nature
toW *. has taken from them); that these, I say, now exercise
toward authority in ecclesiastical matters, and that Constantius in
them, submission to their will treacherously conspired against all,
and banished Liberius !
§. 39. 7. For after the Emperor had frequently written to
Rome, had threatened, sent commissioners, devised schemes,
on the persecution subsequently breaking out at Alex-
andria, Liberius is dragged before him, who uses great
boldness of speech towards him. "Cease," he said, "to
persecute the Christians ; attempt not by my means to intro-
duce impiety into the Church. We are ready to suffer any
thing rather than to be called Arian fanatics. We are Chris-
tians ; compel us not to become enemies of Christ. We also
give you this counsel : fight not against Him who gave you
this empire, nor shew impiety towards Him instead of thank-
8 p. 246. fulness 2 ; persecute not them that believe in Him, lest you
Acts 9 a * so ^ ear ^ e wor< k> & * s h ar d f or t? tee t° kick against the
6. pricks. Nay, I would that you might hear them, that you
might obey, as the holy Paul did. Behold, here we are ; we
are come, before they fabricate charges. For this cause we
hastened hither, knowing that banishment awaits us at your
hands, that we might suffer before a charge encounters us,
and that all may clearly see that all the others too have
suffered as we shall suffer, and that the charges brought
against them were fabrications of their enemies, and all their
proceedings are mere calumny and falsehood."
§. 40. 8. These were the words of Liberius at that time, and
he was admired by all men for them. But the Emperor
instead of answering, only gave orders for their banishment,
separating each of them from the rest, as he had done in the
former cases. For he had himself devised this plan in the
banishments which he inflicted, that so the severity of his
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Banishment of Liberius and others. 253
punishments might be greater than that of former tyrants and tr. viii.
persecutors *. In the former persecution Maximian who was
then Emperor commanded a number of Confessors to be^.4.infr , .
banished together, and thus lightened their punishment by *•
the consolation which he gave them in each other's society.
But this man was more savage than he ; he separated those
who had spoken boldly and confessed together, he put asunder
them who were united by the bond of faith, that when they
came to die they might not see one another ; thinking that
bodily separation can disunite also the affections of the mind,
and that being severed from each other, they would forget
the concord and unanimity which existed among them.
He knew not that however each one may remain apart from
the rest, he has nevertheless with him that Lord, whom they
confessed in one body together, who will also provide, (as he
did in the case of the prophet Elisha,) that more shall be
with each of them, than there are soldiers with Constantius.
Of a truth iniquity is blind; for in that they thought to afflict
the Confessors, by separating them from one another, they
rather brought thereby a great injury upon themselves.
For had they continued in each other's company, and abode
together, the pollutions of those impious men would have
been proclaimed from one place only ; but now by putting
them asunder, they have made their impious heresy and
wickedness to spread abroad and become known in every
place 8 . * T ** 47 >
9. Who that shall hear what they did in the course of §. 41.
these proceedings will not think them to be any thing rather
than Christians 3 ? When Liberius sent Eutropius a Pres- 3pp.24j%
byter and Hilarius a Deacon with letters to the Emperor, at^ e 2 ^ 8 '
the time that Lucifer and his friends made their confession,
they banished the Presbyter on the spot, and after stripping
Hilarius d the Deacon and scourging him on the back, they
banished him too, exclaiming, " Why didst thou not resist
Liberius instead of being the bearer of letters from him."
Ursacius and Valens with the eunuchs who sided with them
were the authors of this outrage. The Deacon, while he was
«* This Hilary afterwards followed Comments on St. Paul's Epistles at-
Lucifer of Cagliari in his schism. He tributed to St. Ambrose, who goes under
is supposed to be the author of the the name of Ambrosiaster.
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254
Lapse of Liberius.
Arian being scourged, praised the Lord, remembering his words,
/ gave My back to the smiters; but they while they scourged
' him laughed and mocked him, feeling no shame that they
were insulting a Levite. Indeed they acted but consistently
in laughing while he continued to praise God ; for it is the
part of Christians to endure stripes, but to scourge Christians
1 p. 194, is the outrage of a Pilate or a Caiaphas 1 .
r. i. jq Thus they endeavoured at the first to corrupt the
Church of the Romans, wishing to introduce impiety into
it as well as others. But Liberius after he had been in
banishment two years gave way, and from fear of threatened
death was induced to subscribe. Yet even this only shews
2 p. 217, their violent conduct, and the hatred 2 of Liberius against the
heresy, and his support of Athanasius, so long as he was
suffered to exercise a free choice. For that which men are
forced by torture to do contrary to their first judgment, ought
not to be considered the willing deed of those who are in
3 P- 245, fear, but rather of their tormentors 3 . They however attempted
every thing in support of their heresy, while the people in
every Church, preserving the faith which they had learnt,
waited for the return of their teachers, and cast from them,
and all avoided, as they would a serpent, the Antichristiaii
heresy.
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CHAP. VI.
PERSECUTION AND LAPSE OF HOSIUS.
1. But although they had done all this, yet these impious §. 42.
men thought they had accomplished nothing, so long as the
great Hosius escaped their wicked machinations. And now
they undertook to extend their fury 1 to that venerable 1 \*nhmi
old man. They felt no shame at the thought that he is the ^ 9 ^'
father of the Bishops 8 ; they regarded not that he had been 248*
a Confessor 3 ; they reverenced not the length of his Epis-^j^
copate, in which he had continued more than sixty years ; 230,256
but they set aside eveiy thing, and looked only to theMaxi-
interests of their heresy, as being of a truth such as neither ™ ian '
fear God, nor regard man. Accordingly they went to Con-i^^
stantius, and again employed such arguments as the following, 2 «
" We have done every thing ; we have banished the Bishop
of the Romans ; and before him a very great number of other
Bishops, and have filled every place with alarm. But these
strong measures of yours are as nothing to us, nor is our
success at all more secure, so long as Hosius remains.
While he is in his own place, the rest also continue in their
Churches, for he is able by his arguments and his faith to
persuade all men against us. He is the president of Councils 4 , 4 of Ni-
and his letters are every where attended to. He it was whosardica!
put forth the Nicene Confession, and proclaimed every where
that the Arians were heretics. If therefore he is suffered to
remain, the banishment of the rest is of no avail, for our
heresy will be destroyed. Begin then to persecute him also,^*£"*»
and spare him not, ancient 5 as he is. Our heresy knows not 284.
to honour the hoary hairs of the aged." §•
2. Upon hearing this, the Emperor no longer delay ed, 24 Vr.i.
but knowing the man, and the weight of his years, wrote to^.^ 0
summon him. This was when he first 6 began his attempt before
his fall.
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256
Letter of Hosius.
Abian upon Liberius. Upon his arrival he desired him, and urged
Hl8T * him with the usual arguments, with which he thought also
to deceive the others, that he would subscribe against us,
and hold communion with the Arians. But the old man,
scarcely bearing to hear the words, and grieved that he had
even ventured to utter such a proposal, severely rebuked
him, and after endeavouring to convince him of his error,
withdrew to his own country and Church. But the heretics
still complaining, and instigating him to proceed, (he had
the eunuchs also to remind him and to urge him further,)
the Emperor again wrote in threatening terms ; but still
Hosius, while he endured their insults, was unmoved by any
fear of their designs against him, and remaining firm to his
purpose, as one who had built the house of his faith upon
the rock, he spoke boldly against the heresy, regarding the
threats held out to him in the letters but as drops of rain and
blasts of wind. And although Constantius wrote frequently,
i p. 356, sometimes flattering him with the title of Father 1 , and some-
r ' 3# times threatening and recounting the names of those who
had been banished, and saying, " Will you continue the
only person to oppose the heresy ? Be persuaded and sub-
scribe against Athanasius; for whoever subscribes against
him thereby embraces with us the Arian cause still
Hosius remained fearless, and while suffering these insults,
* trans- wrote an answer in such terms as these. We have read the
^pyfste letter > Which i8 P laced at the end *-
hither.
§. 44. 3. Hosius to Constantius the Emperor sends health in
the Lord.
I was a Confessor at the first, when a persecution arose in
the time of your grandfather Maximian ; and if you shall
persecute me, I am ready now too to endure any thing
rather than to shed innocent blood and to betray the truth.
But I cannot approve of your conduct in writing after this
threatening manner. Cease to write thus; adopt not the
cause of Arius, nor listen to those in the East, nor give
credit to Ursacius and Valens. For whatever they assert, it
is not on account of Athanasius, but for the sake of their
own heresy. Believe my statement, O Constantius, who am
of an age to be your grandfather. I was present at the
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to Constantius. 257
<
Council of Sardica, when you and your brother Constant ofTR. vin.
blessed memory assembled us all together; and on my own— ^ —
account I challenged the enemies of Athanasius, when they
came to the Church where 1 abode 1 , that if they had any thing » Cor-
against him they might declare it; desiring them to have con- duba *
fidence, and not to expect otherwise than that a right judgment
would be passed in all things. This I did once and again,
requesting them, if they were unwilling to appear before the
whole Council, yet to appear before me alone ; promising them
also, that if he should be proved guilty, he should certainly
be rejected by us ; but if he should be found to be blame-
less, and should prove them to be calumniators, that if they
should then refuse to hold communion with him, I would
persuade him to go with me into Spain. Athanasius was
willing to comply with these conditions, and made no ob-
jection to my proposal ; but they, altogether distrusting their
cause, would not consent. And on another occasion Atha-
nasius came to your Court 2 , when you wrote for him, and his 2
enemies being at the time in Antioch, he requested that they p*iob,
might be summoned either altogether or separately, in order note z -
that they might either convict him, or be convicted, and
might either in his presence prove him to be what they
represented, or cease to accuse him when absent. To this
proposal also you would not listen, and they equally re-
jected it.
4. Why then do you still give ear to them that speak evil
of him ? How can you endure Ursacius and Valens, although
they have retracted, and made a written confession of their
calumnies? For it is not true, as they pretend, that they
were forced to confess ; there were no soldiers at hand to
influence them ; your brother was not cognizant of the
matter 3 . No, such things were not done under his govern- 3 p. is,
ment, as are done now ; God forbid. But they voluntarily p°242.
went up 4 to Rome, and in the presence of the Bishop and 4 p. 223,
Presbyters wrote their recantation, having previously ad- r ' 6,
dressed to Athanasius a friendly and peaceable letter. Andspp. i9 ?
if they pretend that force was employed towards them, ^d^ 0 ^? 1 '
acknowledge that this is an evil thing, which you also 242, r.6.
disapprove of; then do you cease to use force 5 ; write no^^ ote
letters, send no Counts; but release those that have been r -2.279,
note c.
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258
Letter of Hosius
Arian banished, lest while you are complaining of violence, they
do but exercise greater violence. When was any such thing
done by Constans? What Bishop suffered banishment at
his hands? When did he appear in presence at an Ec-
clesiastical trial ? When did any Palatine of his compel men
to subscribe against any one, that Valens and his fellows
should be able to affirm this ?
5. Cease these proceedings, I beseech you, and remember
that you are a mortal man. Be afraid of the day of judg-
ment, and keep yourself pure thereunto. Intrude not your-
self into Ecclesiastical matters, neither give commands unto
us concerning them; but learn them from us. God hath
put into your hands the kingdom ) to us He hath entrusted
the affairs of His Church ; and as he who should steal the
empire from you would resist the ordinance of God, so
likewise fear on your part lest by taking upon yourself the
government of the Church, you become guilty of a great
Mat.22, offence. It is written, Render unto Ctesar the things that
21 are Casar's, and unto God the things that are GooVs.
Neither therefore is it permitted unto us to exercise an
earthly rule, nor have you, Sire, any authority to burn
incense'. These things I write unto you out of a concern
for your salvation. With regard to the subject of your
letters, this is my determination : I will not unite myself to
the Arians; I anathematize their heresy. Neither will I
subscribe against Athanasius, whom both we and the Church
of the Romans, and the whole Council pronounced to be
guiltless. And yourself also, when you understood this,
sent for the man, and gave him permission to return with
honour to his country and his Church. What reason then
can there be for so great a change in your conduct ? The
same persons who were his enemies before, are so now also ;
and the things they now whisper to his prejudice, (for they
* Incense is mentioned in the Apo- the Eucharistic Sacrifice, could not be
stolical Canon iii. but apparently no a recent one. From Tertull. Apol. 42.
where else till this date. Hippol. de and Arnobius, contr. Gent. vii. 27. it
Consumm. Mund. adduced by Beve- appears to have been unknown to the
ridge on the Canon is not genuine. At African Churches in their day. vid.
the same time it must be recollected, Bon. Rer. Lit. i. 25. n. 9. Bellarm.
that Hosius was at this time 100 years deMiss.ii.15.Bevereg.Cod.Can. Yind.
old, and a rite which he singles out (if ii. 2. r. 5. Dall. de Pseudepig. Apost.
he does not speak figurately) to describe iii. 14. §. 4. Dodwell, Use of Incense.
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to Constantius.
259
do not declare them openly in his presence,) the same they tr. vni.
spoke against him, before you sent for him ; the same they — 1 — -
spread abroad concerning him^ when they came to the
Council. And when I required them to come forward, as I
have before said, they were unable to produce their proofs ;
had they possessed any, they would not have fled so dis-
gracefully. Who then has persuaded you so long after to
forget your own letters and declarations ? Forbear, and be
not influenced by evil men, lest while you act for the mutual
advantage of yourself and them, you bring guilt upon your-
self. For here you comply with their desires, hereafter in the
judgment you will have to answer for doing so alone. These
men desire by your means to injure their enemy, and wish
to make you the minister of their wickedness, in order that
through your help they may sow the seeds b of their accursed
heresy in the Church. Now it is not a prudent thing to
cast one's self into manifest danger for the pleasure of others.
Cease then, I beseech you, O Constantius, and be persuaded
by me. These things it becomes me to write, and you not
to despise.
6. Such were the sentiments, and such the letter, of the §. 45.
Abraham-like old man, Hosius 1 , truly so called 6 . But the 1 ***-
Emperor desisted not from his designs, nor ceased to seek saintly',
an occasion against him; but continued to threaten him
severely, with a view either to bring him over by force, or to
banish him if he refused to comply. And as the Officers
and Satraps of Babylon 2 seeking an occasion against Daniel, 2 P-
found none except in the law of his God; so likewise
these present Satraps of impiety were unable to invent any
charge against the old man, (for this true Hosius, and his
blameless life were known to all,) except the charge of
hatred 3 to their heresy. They therefore proceeded to accuse 3 P- 260,
him ; though not under the same circumstances as those others
accused Daniel to Darius, for Darius was grieved to hear the
b vid. vol. 8. p. 6. note k. It is re- c S mXniZf *Orw. xmr&exovu, oh yo\
markable, this letter having so much its Wfxo^ot, snpr. §. 3. infr. §§. 48, 75 fin.
own character, and being so unlike Atha- and so &Xti4£t E&rs/3/i, Theod. Hist. i. 4.
nasius's writings in style, that a phrase 'Ow^o*, rot «or% tot £x{nrro, tvtl ft
characteristicofhimsnouldhereoccurin itf^nrro, Ep. ad Phil. 10. vid. vol. 8.
it. Did Athan. translate it from Latin ? p. 1X4, note b.
s2
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260
Hosins tortured till he lapsed.
arian charge, but as Jezebel accused Naboth, and as the Jews
. Hl8T * applied themselves to Herod. And they said, " He not
only will not subscribe against Athanasius, but also on his
> p. 245, account condemns us ; ana his hatred 1 to the heresy is so
r * great, that he also writes to others, that they should rather
suffer death, than become traitors to the truth. For, he
says, our beloved Athanasius also is persecuted for the
Truth's sake, and Liberius Bishop of Rome, and all the rest,
are treacherously assailed."
l vid.pp. 7. When this patron of impiety, and Emperor of heresy 5 ,
243*267 Constantius, heard this, and especially that there were
r. 3. others also in Spain of the same mind as Hosius, after he
had tempted them also to subscribe, and was unable to
compel them to do so, he sent for Hosius, and instead of
banishing him, detained him a whole year in Sirmium.
Godless, unholy, without natural affection, he feared not
God, he regarded not his father's love for Hosius, he
reverenced not his great age, for he was now a hundred
years old d ; but all these things this modern Ahab, this
second Belshazzar of our times, disregarded for the sake of
impiety. He used such violence towards the old man, and
confined him so straitly, that at last, broken by suffering,
he was brought, though hardly, to hold communion with
Valens and Ursacius, though he would not subscribe against
Athanasius. Yet even thus he forgot not his duty, for at
the approach of death, as it were by his last testament, he
bore witness to the force which had been used towards him,
and anathematized the Arian heresy, and gave strict charge
that no one should receive it.
§. 46. 8. Who that witnessed these things, or that has merely
heard of them, will not be greatly amazed, and cry aloud unto
Ez. 11, the Lord, saying, Wilt Thou make a full end of the remnant
13. o j j^aei v Who that is acquainted with these proceed-
Jer. 6, ings, will not with good reason cry out and say, A wonderful
30 > 2 > l2 'and horrible thing is committed in the land; and, The
heavens are astonished at this, and the earth is even more
horribly afraid. The fathers of the people and the teachers
of the faith are taken away, and the impious are brought into
Warmer rhf hmJieit xfiirhtf i avirttf. •Sri
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Constantius forerunner of Antichrist. 261
the Churches? Who that saw when Liberius Bishop ofTR.viu.
Rome was banished, and when the great Hosius the father^ — ^j-
of the Bishops suffered these things, or who that saw sor. 5. *
many Bishops banished out of Spain and the other parts,
could fail to perceive, however little sense he might possess,
that the charges 2 against Athanasius also and the rest were 8 rid. in
false, and altogether mere calumny ? For this reason those ^JJjJf
others also endured all suffering, because they saw plainly that A*- and
the conspiracies laid against these were founded in falsehood. Const.
For what charge was there against Liberius ? or what accusa-
tion against the aged Hosius ? who bore even a false witness
against Paulinus, and Lucifer, and Dionysius, and Eusebius?
or what sin could be laid to the account of the rest of the
banished Bishops, and Presbyters, and Deacons? None
whatever; God forbid. There were no charges against
them on which a plot for their ruin might be formed ; nor
was it on the ground of any accusation that they were
severally banished. It was a breaking out of impiety
against godliness 3 ; it was zeal for the Arian heresy, and a 3 *«-
prelude to the coming of Antichrist, for whom Constantius *JjJ2jJ*"
is thus preparing the way. vol. 8. p.
1, note a.
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CHAP. VII.
PERSECUTION AT ALEXANDRIA.
§. 47. 1. After he had accomplished all that he desired against
the Churches in Italy, and the other parts ; after he had
banished some, and violently oppressed others, and filled
every place with fear, he at last turned his fury, as it had
been some pestilential disorder, against Alexandria. This
was artfully contrived by the enemies of Christ ; for in order
that they might have a show of the signatures of many
Bishops, and that Athanasius might not have a single Bishop
in his persecution to whom he could even complain, they
therefore anticipated his proceedings, and filled every place
! tyi*{#»with terror, which they kept up to second 1 them in the
prosecution of their designs. But herein they perceived not
through their folly that they were not exhibiting the free
2 p. Hi, sentiments 2 of the Bishops, but rather the violence which
p°257,' themselves had employed ; and that, although his brethren
r - 6 - should desert him, and his friends and acquaintance stand
afar off, and no one be found to sympathise with him and
console him, yet far above all these, a refuge with his God
was sufficient for him. For Elias also was alone in his
persecution, and God was all in all to the holy man. And
our Saviour has given us an example herein, who also was
left alone, and exposed to the designs of His enemies, to
teach us, that when we are persecuted and deserted by men,
we must not faint, but place our hope in Him, and not
betray the Truth. For although at first it may seem to be
afflicted, yet even they who persecute shall afterwards ac-
knowledge it.
48. 2. Accordingly they urge on the Emperor, who first writes
a menacing letter, which he sends to the Duke and the
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Constantius says he favoured Athan.for Constans* sake. 263
soldiers. The Notaries Diogenius 1 and Hilarius 1 , andTR.vm.
certain Palatines with them were the bearers of it; upon!-^ — -
whose arrival those terrible and cruel outrages were com-pp 173,
mitted against the Church, which I have briefly related a^'^*
little above*, and which are known to all men from the pro- &c -
tests put forth by the people, which are inserted at the end
of this history 3 , so that any one may read them. Then after 3
these proceedings on the part of Syrianus, after these note a!
enormities had been perpetrated, and violence offered to the
Virgins, as approving of such conduct and the infliction of
these evils upon us, he writes again to the senate and
people of Alexandria, instigating the younger men, and
requiring them to assemble together, and either to persecute
Athanasius, or consider themselves as his enemies. He
however had withdrawn before these instructions reached
them, and from the time when Syrianus broke into the
Church ; for he remembered that which is written, Hide *J 26 >
thyself as it were for a little moment, until the indignation
he overpast*. gPP- 186 '
3. One Heraclius, by rank a Count, was the bearer ofs xttTm .
this letter, and the precursor of a certain George that wasr ?^";
dispatched by the Emperor as a spy, for one that was sent rjM<r ##,
from him cannot be a Bishop 5 ; God forbid. And so indeed vid ^ 5g
his conduct and the circumstances which preceded his note c.'
entrance sufficiently prove. Heraclius then published the §• «>0.
letter, which reflected great disgrace upon the writer. no^Sin
For whereas, when the great Hosius wrote to Constantius, Montf *l
he had been unable to make out any plausible pretext for
his change of conduct, he now invented an excuse much
more discreditable to himself and to his advisers. He said,
" From regard to the affection I entertained towards my
brother of divine and pious memory, I endured for a time
the coming of Athanasius among you." This proves that he
has both broken his promise, and behaved ungratefully to
his brother after his death. He then declares him to be, as
indeed he is, " deserving of sacred and pious remembrance;"
yet as regards a command of his, or to use his own language,
the " affection" he bore him, even though he complied
merely " for the sake" of the blessed Constans, he ought to
deal fairly by his brother, and make himself heir to his
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264 Hefollows up his fa therms wish es so far as su bservesA rianism .
Arian sentiments as well as to the Empire. But, although, when
seeking to obtain his just rights, he deposed Vetranio, with
the question, " To whom does the inheritance belong after
a brother's death*?" yet for the sake of the accursed heresy
of the enemies of Christ, be disregards the claims of justice,
and behaves undutifully towards his brethren.
4. Nay, for the sake of this heresy, he would not consent
to observe his father's wishes without infringement; but, in what
he may gratify those impious men, he pretends to adopt his
intention, while in order to distress the others, he cares not
to shew the reverence which is due unto a father. For in
consequence of the calumnies of the Eusebians, his father
sent the Bishop for a time into Gaul to avoid the cruelty of
his persecutors, (this was shewn by the blessed Constantine,
the brother of the former, after their father's death, as
» p. 121. appears by his letters 1 ,) but he would not be persuaded by
the Eusebians to send the person whom they desired for a
Bishop, but prevented the accomplishment of their wishes,
and put a stop to their attempts with severe threats.
§,51. 5. If therefore, as he declares in his letters, he desired to
observe his father's practice, why did he first send out
Gregory, and now this George, who eats his own stores 6 ?
Why does he endeavour so earnestly to introduce into the
Church these Arians, whom his father named Porphyrians 0 ,
and banish others while he patronises them ? Although his
* " It was an easy task to deceive
tbe frankness and simplicity of Vetra-
nio, who, fluctuating some time between
the opposite views of power and interest,
displayed to the world the insincerity of
his temper, and was insensibly engaged
in the snares of an artful negociation.
Constantius acknowledged him as a le-
gitimate and equal colleague in the
Empire, on condition that he would
renounce his disgraceful alliance with
Magnentius, and appoint a place of
interview on the frontiers of their re-
spective provinces. .. .The united ar-
mies were commanded to assemble in a
large plain near the city [Sardica]. In
the centre, according to the rules of
ancient discipline, a military tribunal,
or rather scaffold, was erected, from
whence the Emperors were accustomed,
on solemn and important occasions, to
harangue the troops. . . .The first part
of his [C.'s] Oration seemed to be
pointed only against the tyrant of Gaul
[Magnentius], but while he tragically
lamented the cruel murder of Constans,
he insinuated, that none, except a bro-
ther, could claim a right to the succession
of his brother. He displayed, with some
complacency, the glories of his Imperial
race, &c The eontagion of loyalty
and repentance was communicated from
rank to rank ; till the plain of Sardica
resounded with the universal acclama-
tion of 1 Away with these upstart usurp-
ers !' " &c. Gibbon, Hist. ch. xviii.
b George had been pork-contractor
to the army, and had been detected in
peculation, vid. vol. 8. p. 89, r. 1.
p. 134, note f. and infr. p. 286.
c Constantine called tbe A rians by this
title after the philosopher Porphyry, the
great enemy of Christianity. Socrates
has preserved the Edict. Hist. i. 9.
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After Constant death he hot hfavoured and persecuted Ath. 265
father admitted Arius to his presence, yet when Arius per-Tn.vm.
jured himself and burst asunder 1 , he lost the compassion of , ' '
hisiather; who, on learning the truth, condemned him as a 212. '
heretic.
6. Why moreover, while pretending to respect the Canons
of the Church, has he ordered the whole course of his
conduct in opposition to them ? For where is there a Canon
that a Bishop should be appointed from Court? Where is^ 249 >
there a Canon 2 that permits soldiers to invade Churches ? p. 268,
What tradition 3 is there allowing counts and ignorant 4 ^'249
eunuchs to exercise authority in Ecclesiastical matters, and*- 7.
to make known by their edicts the decisions of those who^^""
bear the name of Bishops ? He is guilty of all manner of™ 1 * ™i-
falsehood for the sake of this unholy heresy. At a former note e!
time he sent out Philagrius as Prefect a second time 5 , in op- 5 p^- 224,
position to the opinion of his father, and we see what has
taken place now.
7. Nor " for his brother's sake" does he speak the truth.
For after his death he wrote as often as three times to the
Bishop, and repeatedly promised him that he would not
change his behaviour towards him, but exhorted him to be
of good courage, and not suffer any one to alarm him, but to
continue to abide in his Church in perfect security 6 . Heepp.^
also sent his commands by Count Asterius, and Palladius 238,
the Notary, to Felicissimus who was then Duke, and to the
Prefect Nestorius, that if either Philip the Prefect, or any
other should venture to form any plot against Athanasius,
they should prevent it. Wherefore when Diogenes came,§. 52.
and Syrianus laid in wait for us, both he 7 and we and the 7 p. 219.
people demanded to see the Emperor's letters, supposing
that, as it is written, Let not a falsehood be spoken before the
king 8 ; so when a king has made a promise, he will not lie, 8 vid.
nor change. If then " for his brother's sake he complied," J^f 5 '
why did he also write those letters upon his death ? And if he
wrote them for " his memory's sake," why did he afterwards
behave so very unkindly towards him, and persecute the
man, and write what he did, alleging a judgment of Bishops,
while in truth he acted only to please himself 9 ? 9 p. 267,
8. Nevertheless his craft has not escaped detection, but r ' 4 '
we have the proof of it ready at hand. For if a judgment
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266 Kings have no concern in Ecclesiastical judgments.
Arian had been passed by Bishops, what concern had the Emperor
-with it? Or if it was only a threat of the Emperor, what
need in that case was there of the so-named Bishops?
When was such a thing heard of before from the beginning
of the world ? When did a judgment of the Church receive
>ri»^its validity 1 from the Emperor? or rather when was his
decree ever recognised by the Church? There have been
many Councils held heretofore; and many judgments passed
by the Church ; but the Fathers never sought the consent of
the Emperor thereto, nor did the Emperor busy himself with
the affairs of the Church. The Apostle Paul had friends
among them of Caesar's household, and in his Epistle to the
Philippians he sent salutations from them; but he never
*> 249, t 00 t them as his associates in Ecclesiastical judgments 9 .
Now however we have witnessed a novel sight, which is a
discovery of the Arian heresy. Heretics have assembled
together with the Emperor Constantius, in order that he,
alleging the authority of the Bishops, may exercise his
power against whomsoever he pleases, and while he per-
3 p. 279, secutes may avoid the name of persecutor 3 ; and that they,
note c. SU pp 0r ted by the Emperor's government, may conspire the
ruin of whomsoever they will d ; and these are all such as are
not as impious as themselves. One might look upon their
r# P 6. ' proceedings as a comedy which they are performing on the
5 |w tf * stage, in which the pretended Bishops are actors 4 , and Con-
rk$ i*- stantius the performer of their behests, who makes promises
li**vid. t0 tnem > as Herod did to the daughter of Herodias, and they
Herod, dancing before him, accomplish, through false accusations 6 ,
I29fin! tne banishment and death of the true believers in the Lord.
§. 53. 9. Who indeed has not been injured by their calumnies ?
Whom have not these enemies of Christ conspired to de-
d e7 s ** and just before at 77 D. Ep. JEg. §§. 5 B. 19 A. 22 B.
UiXu. [And more strikingly just below, Ap. ad Const, f . 1 C. de Fug. §§. 3 C.
§. 53 fin. oL iix*vfft r^mrru, Iti) xa) m.h<rb% 7 E. ad Serap. fin. And so in this His-
£rt( jflsXiv #*»0*s <r«g' aurSv.] This is tory, besides the above passage, the
a very familiar phrase with A than. i. e. phrase is found in §§. 2 D. 3 fin. 7 C.
it WtXnrtt, Wfatim, tra* 6%\»*n, ib. D twice. 47 C. 54 init. 59 A. 60 fin.
•Is WiXtieaw, &c. &c. Some instances In like manner, «/WA.«rr*,«/Wx*»roM,
have been given supr. p. 15, note e. &c. Ep. Encycl. §. 7 D. Apol. contr.
and vol. 8. p. 92, note r. Among the Arian. §§. 36 D. 73 A. 74 A. 77 B.
many passages that might be noticed, twice, ibid. D. 82 init. 83 F. ibid. B.
are the following, de Deer. §. 3 A. de Ep. JEg. §. 6 B. C. Apol. ad Const.
Syn. §. 13 A. Apol. contr. Arian. §§. §. 32 D. de Fug. §. 1 fin. And so in
2 C. 14 D. 35 D. 36 D. 73 A. B. 74 F. this History, §§. 2 D. 16 D. 18 C.
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Con stan tius gives up Alex. Churches to heretics. 267
stroy ? Whom has Constantius failed to banish upon charges tr. vm.
which they have brought against them ? When did he refuse 63y 54 *
to hear them willingly ? And what is most strange *, when did 1 p. 221,
he permit any one to speak against them, and did not more p^ r ? e
readily receive their testimony, of whatever kind it might §• 3. F.
be? Where is there a Church which now enjoys the
privilege of worshipping Christ freely 2 ? If a Church be a 8 p. 262,
maintainer of true piety, it is in danger ; if it dissemble, it r * 2 *
abides in fear. Every place is full of hypocrisy and impiety,
so far as he is concerned ; and wherever there is a pious
person and a lover of Christ, (and there are many such every
where, as were the prophets and the great Elias,) they hide
themselves, if so be that they can find a faithful friend like
Abdias, and either they withdraw into caves and dens of the
earth, or pass their lives in wandering about in the deserts.
These men in their madness prefer such calumnies against
them, as Jezebel invented against Naboth, and the Jews
against our Saviour; while the Emperor, who is the patron 3 3 p- 260,
of the heresy, and wishes to pervert the truth, as Ahab r *
wished to change the vineyard into a garden of herbs, does
whatever they desire him to do, for the suggestions he
receives from them are agreeable to his own wishes 4 . r. P 9. 266 '
JO. Accordingly he banished, as I said before, the genuine §. 54.
Bishops, because they would not profess impious doctrines,
to suit his own pleasure; and now he has sent Count
Heraclius to proceed against Athanasius, who has publicly
made known his decrees, and announced the commands of
the Emperor to be, that unless they complied with the
instructions contained in his letters, their bread 5 should be'Pj^ 43 *
taken away, their idols overthrown, and the persons of many p. 276,
of the city-magistrates and people delivered over to certain note a '
slavery. After threatening them in this manner, he was not
ashamed to declare publicly with a loud voice, " The
Emperor disclaims Athanasius, and has commanded that
the Churches be given up to the Arians." And when all
wondered to hear this, and made signs to one another,
exclaiming, " What ! has Constantius become a heretic ?"
instead of blushing as he ought, this man the more strictly
obliged the senators and heathen magistrates and wardens
of the idol temples to subscribe to these conditions, and to
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!
268 Irrttption into the great Church.
Abian agree to receive as their Bishop whomsoever the Emperor
— should send them. Of course Constantius was strictly
»p. 249, upholding the Canons 1 of the Church, when he caused this
* p. 231, to be done ; when, instead of requiring letters 8 from the
Mnfr Church, he demanded them of the market-place 3 , and in-
notef. stead of the people he asked them of the wardens of the
temples. He was conscious that he was not sending a
Bishop to preside over Christians, but a certain pragmatical
person for those who subscribed to his terms.
§.55. 11. The Gentiles accordingly, as purchasing by their
compliance the safety of their idols, and certain of the
trades', subscribed, though unwillingly, from fear of the
threats which he had held out to them ; just as if the matter
had been the appointment of a general, or other magistrate.
Indeed what, as heathen, were they likely to do, except
whatever was pleasing to the Emperor? But the people
4 having assembled in the great Church 4 , (for it was the fourth
nofefp! day of the week,) Count Heraclius on the following day
« Catto- takes with him Cataphronius the Prefect of Egypt, and
p. 163, Faustinus the Receiver-General 6 , and Bithynus a heretic;
note m * and together they stir up the younger men of the common
multitude' who worshipped idols, to attack the Church, and
stone the people, saying that such was the Emperor's com-
6 i!r#xif- mand. As the time of separation 6 however had arrived, the
Suicerf greater part had already left the Church, but there being a
invoc. f ew women still remaining, they did as these men had
charged them, whereupon a piteous spectacle ensued. The
few women had just risen from prayer and had sat down,
when the youths having stripped themselves suddenly came
upon them with stones and clubs. Some of them the god-
7 «; Mm, less 7 wretches stoned to death; they lacerated with stripes
voL8.p. tne P erson s of the Virgins, tore off their veils 8 and
3, note f. exposed their heads, and when they resisted the insult, the
P " ,r cowards kicked them with their feet. This was dreadful,
exceedingly dreadful; but what ensued was worse, and
e rSf l^yawiw, —trades, or workmen, mug, hie l^ym^ims oj/icinarum operas com-
vid. 8upr. p. 33, r. 2. Montfaucon has a modius exprimere." And be quotes an
note upon the word in the Collect. Nov. inscription discovered by Spon, rwr§ ri
t. 2. p. xxvi. where he corrects his Latin 4g*wv tuQatu h X^ywlm, r£h fiafi**.
in loc. of the former passage very nearly f rah ky§t*mv, vid. Acts xvii. 5.
in conformity to the rendering given of has been used just above, vid. Suicer.
it above, p. 33. " In Onomastico monui- Thesaur. in voe.
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'lite great Church pillaged.
269
more intolerable than any outrage. Knowing the holyTR.vui.
character of the virgins, and that their ears were unac- — 1 — -
customed to pollution, and that they were better able to
bear stones and swords than expressions of obscenity, they
assailed them with such language. This the Arians suggested
to the young men, and laughed at all they said and did ;
while the holy Virgins and other godly women fled from
such words as they would from the bite of asps, but the
enemies 1 of Christ assisted them in the work, nay even, it 1 p. 270,
may be, gave utterance to the same; for they were well- note1,
pleased with the obscenities which the youths vented upon
them.
12. After this, that they might fully execute the orders §. 56.
they had received, (for this was what they earnestly desired,
and what the Count and the Receiver-General instructed
them to do,) they seized upon the seats, the throne, and the
table which was of wood g , and the curtains h of the Church,
and whatever else they were able, and carrying them out
burnt them before the doors in the great street, and cast
frankincense upon the flame. Alas ! who will not weep to
hear of these things, and, it may be, close his ears 3 , that heap. 140
may not have to endure the recital, esteeming it hurtful j^gg* 8,
merely to listen to the accounts of such enormities ? More- init.
over they sang the praises of their idols, and said, " Con-
stantius hath become a heathen, and the Arians have
acknowledged our customs;" for indeed they scruple not
even to pretend heathenism, if only their heresy may be
established. They even were ready to. sacrifice a heifer
which drew the water for the gardens at the Caesareum 1 ;
and would have sacrificed it, had it not been a female k ; for
they said that it was unlawful for such to be offered among
them.
8 vid.Flenry's Church History, xxii. e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at
7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By Daphne, though it abounded in springs,
specifying the material, Athan. implies ibid. 1. 2.
that altars were sometimes not of wood. k vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that
h Curtains were at the entrance, and cows and heifers were sacred to Isis.
before the chancel, vid. Bingh. Antiqu. vid. Jablonski Pantheon JEg. i. 1. §. 15.
viii. 6. §. 8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum, who says that Isis was worshipped in
also Chrysost. Horn. Hi. in Eph. [tr. p. the shape of a cow, and therefore the
133, note o.] cows received divine honours. Yet bulls
1 The royal quarter in Alexandria, were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §. 9.
vid. supr. p. 167, note p. In other vid. also Schweighseuser in loc. He-
Palatia an aqueduct was nectssary, rod.
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270 Miraculous judgments on the /pillagers.
Arian 13. Thus acted the impious 1 Arians in conjunction with
^ Hl ~-the heathens, thinking that these things tended to our dis-
' i«rn- h° n °ur. But Divine justice reproved their iniquity, and
0i7f,mis- wrought a great and remarkable miracle*, thereby plainly
ing, e aa shewing to all men, that as in their acts of impiety 1 they had
passim, dared to attack none other but the Lord, so in these pro-
V?2\7*' ceedings also, they were again attempting to do dishonour
r * 6 * unto Him. This was more manifestly proved by the marvel-
3 '«4*«-lous 9 event which now came to pass. One of these licentious
p^sm, youths ran into the Church, and ventured to sit down upon
n l * the throne ; and as he sat there the wretched man uttered
with a nasal sound some lascivious song. Then rising up
he attempted to pull away the throne, and to drag it towards
him; he knew not that he was drawing down vengeance
upon himself. For as of old the inhabitants of Azotus,
when they ventured to touch the Ark, which it was not
lawful for them even to look upon, were immediately de-
stroyed by it, being first grievously tormented by emerods ;
so this unhappy person who presumed to drag the throne,
drew it upon himself, and, as if Divine justice had sent the
wood to punish him, he struck it into his own bowels; and
instead of carrying out the throne, he brought out by the
blow his own entrails, so that the throne took away his life,
instead of his taking it away. For, as it is written of Judas, his
bowels gushed out, and he fell down and was carried away,
and the day after died. Another also entered the Church
with boughs of trees, and, as in the Gentile manner he waved
them in his hands and mocked, he was immediately struck
with blindness, so as straightway to lose his sight, and to
know no longer where he was ; but as he was about to fall,
he was taken by the hand and supported by his companions
out of the place, and when on the following day he was with
difficulty brought to his senses, he knew not either what he
had done or suffered in consequence of his audacity.
§. 58. 14. The Gentiles, when they beheld these things, were
seized with fear, and ventured on no further outrage; but
the Arians were not yet touched with shame, but, like the
1 vid. vol. 8. p. 1, note 1. This is a *ft&$u>rts, 8cc. being here contrasted
remarkable instance of the special and with pagan blasphemy, &c. vid. also
technical sense of the words, w't&u*, p. 269, r. 1.
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General persecution at Alexandria. 271
Jews when they saw the miracles, were faithless and would tr. vm.
not believe, nay, like Pharaoh, they were hardened ; they 67 ~ 59 '
too having placed their hopes below, on the Emperor and
his eunuchs. They permitted the Gentiles, or rather the
more abandoned of the Gentiles, to act in the manner before
described ; for they found that Faustinus, who is the Re-
ceiver-General by style, but is a vulgar 1 person in habits, 1
and profligate in heart, was ready to play his part with them p^es,
in these proceedings, and to stir up the heathen. Nay, they note f *
undertook to do the like themselves, that as they had struck
off their heresy from all other heresies together 2 , so they 2 p. 244,
might divide their wickedness with the more depraved part r * lm
of mankind. What they did through the instrumentality of
others I have described above; the enormities they com-
mitted themselves, surpass the bounds of all wickedness;
and they exceed the vileness of any hangman 3 . Where is 3
there a house which they did not ravage? where is there r. 3. '
a family they did not plunder on pretence of searching
for their opponents? where is there a garden they did
not trample under foot? what tomb 4 they did not open, 4 vid.
pretending they were seeking for Athanasius, though their Hist! iv.
sole object was to plunder and spoil all that came in their 13 -
way ? How many men's houses were sealed up ! From how
many did they accept hospitality to give it to the soldiers
who assisted them ! Who had not experience of their
wickedness ? Who that met them in the market-place but
was obliged to hide himself? Did not many an one leave his
house from fear of them, and pass the night in the desert ?
Did not many an one, while anxious to preserve his property
from them, lose the greater part of it ? And who, however
inexperienced, did not choose rather to commit himself to
the sea, and to risk all its dangers, than to witness their
threatenings ? Many also changed their residences, and
removed from street to street, and from the city to the
suburbs. And many submitted to severe fines, and when
they were unable to pay, borrowed of others, merely that
they might escape their machinations.
15. For they made themselves formidable to all men, and §. 59.
treated all with great arrogance, using the name of the Emperor,
and threatening them with his displeasure. They had to
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272
Martyrdom of Eutychius.
Am an assist them in their wickedness the Duke Sebastianup, a
- Manichee, and a profligate young man ; the Prefect, the
Count, and the Receiver-General to play his part. Many
Virgins who condemned their impiety, and professed the
truth, they threw down from the houses; others they insulted
as they walked along the streets, and caused their heads to
»p. 968, be uncovered 1 by their young men. They also gave per-
r " " mission to the females of their party to insult whom they
chose ; and although the holy and faithful women withdrew
on one side, and gave them the way, yet they gathered
round them like Bacchanals and Furies m , and esteemed it a
misfortune if they found no means to injure them, and spent
that day sorrowfully on which they were unable to do them
some mischief. In a word, so cruel and bitter were they
* p. 271, against all, that all men called them hangmen 2 , murderers,
" * lawless, intruders, evil-doers, and by any other name rather
note b. ' t nan that of Christians 3 .
§. 60. 16. Moreover, imitating the savage practices of Scythians 4 ,
* p 1 * 2 ^ they seized upon Eutychius the Sub-deacon, a man who had
Hof- served the Church honourably, and causing him to be
voo fin. scourged on the back with a heathen whip, till he was at the
point of death, they demanded that he should be sent away
to the mines ; and not simply to any mine, but to that of
Phaeno n , where even a condemned murderer is hardly able
to live a few days. And what was most unreasonable in
their conduct, they would not permit him even a few hours
to have his wounds* dressed, but caused him to be sent off
immediately, saying, " If this is done, all men will be afraid,
and henceforward will be on our side." After a short
interval however, being unable to accomplish his journey to
the mine on account of the pain of his wounds, he died on
the way. He perished rejoicing, having obtained the glory
of martyrdom.
m vid. vol. 8. p. 91, note q. also Greg.
Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Hair. 69. 3.
Theod. Hist i. 3. (p. 730. ed. Schulze.)
n The mines of Phspno lie almost in
a direct line between Petrse and Zoar,
which is at the southern extremity of the
Dead Sea. They formed the place of pu-
nishment of Confessors in the Maximi-
nian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart.Pal.7.
and in the Arian Persecution at Alex-
andria after Athan. Theod. Hist, i v. 19.
p. 996. Phsenon was once the seat of a
Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the
Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical,
andtheLatrocinium.vid.Reland,Pales-
tine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon tin loc.
Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ, t. 3.
p. 745.
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Scourging of Hermias and three others, 273
17. But the miscreants 1 were not even yet ashamed, but in ^ vjii.
the words of Scripture, having bowels without mercy, they x ^ t ^ f
acted accordingly, and now again perpetrated a devilish 9 p rov .
deed. When the people prayed them to spare Eutychius 12 -
and besought them for him, they caused four honourable m i 9) vo ).
and free citizens to be seized, one of whom was Hermias 8> P* 9 »
' note s.
who washed the beggars' feet°; and after scourging them
very severely, the Duke cast them into the prison. But the
Arians, who are more cruel even than Scythians 3 , when they 3 pp-272,
saw that they did not die from the stripes they had received, 275, r.4.
complained of the Duke and threatened, saying, " We will
write and tell the eunuchs, that he does not flog as we
wish." Hearing this he was afraid, and was obliged to beat
the men a second time ; and they being beaten, and knowing
for what cause they suffered and by whom they had been
accused, said only, " We are beaten for the sake of the
Truth, but we will not hold communion with the heretics ;
beat us now as thou wilt ; God will judge thee for this."
The impious heretics 4 wished to expose them to danger in 4 mis-
the prison, that they might die there ; but the people of creant8,
God observing their time, besought him for them, and after
seven days or more they were set at liberty.
18. But the Arians, as being grieved at this, again devised §.61.
another yet more cruel and unholy deed ; cruel in the eyes
of all men, but well suited to their antichristiau heresy.
Our Lord commanded that we should remember the poor ;
He said, Sell that ye have, and give alms ; and again, / was Lukei2,
a hungred, and ye gave Me meat; I was thirsty, and V e ^ &t25
gave Me drink ; for inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of 35. 40. '
these little ones, ye have done it unto Me. But these men,
as being in truth opposed to Christ, have presumed to act
contrary to His will in this respect also. For when the
Duke gave up the Churches to the Arians, and the destitute
persons and widows were unable to continue any longer in
0 *Efi«s/«>, rout kw&ivt,
" Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, qui
angiportos non pervios lavabat." Mont-
fancon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who
translates as above, yet not satisfactorily,
especially as there is no article before
X»»§rrM Tillemont says, " qui avait
quelle charge dans la police de la ville,"
understanding by dp't£$$«, " inclusi sive
incarcerati homines;" whereas they
are " ii qui *m rag i%fi*vt in exitibus
viarum, stipem cogunt." Montf. ibid.
For the custom of washing the feet, vid.
Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §. 10. Justinian
in 1 Ep. ad Trin. v. 10.
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274
llltreatment of the poor
a Ri an them, the widows sat down in places which the Clergy
entrusted with the care of them appointed. And when the
A nans saw that the brethren readily ministered unto them
and supported them, they persecuted them also, beating
1 p. 284, them on the feet 1 , and accused those who gave to them
r * 10 " before the Duke. This was done by means of a certain
soldier named Dynamius. And it was well-pleasing to
Sebastian, for there is no mercy in the Manichaeans ; nay, it
is considered a hateful thing among them to shew mercy to
a poor man. Here then was a novel subject of complaint ;
and a new kind of court now first invented by the Arians.
Persons were brought to trial for acts of kindness which they
had performed ; he who shewed mercy was accused, and he
who had received a benefit was beaten; and they wished
rather that a poor man should suffer hunger, than that he
who was willing to shew mercy should give to him. Such
sentiments these modern Jews, for such they are, have
learned from the Jews of old, who when they saw him who
had been blind from his birth recover his sight, and him
who had been a long time sick of the palsy made whole,
2 vid de accused our Lord who had bestowed these benefits upon
Deer, them, and judged them to be transgressors who had ex-
p. 3. tF perienced His goodness 2 .
§. 62. 19. Who was not struck with astonishment at these pro-
ceedings? Who did not execrate both the heresy, and its
defenders? Who failed to perceive that the Arians are indeed
more cruel than wild beasts ? For they had no prospect of
3 vid.vol.gain s from their iniquity, for the sake of which they might
note 1 c. 1, ^ iave acte( i lu tn ^ s manner; but they rather increased the
* p. 248, hatred 4 of all men against themselves. They thought by
r * 3, treachery and terror to force certain persons into their
heresy, so that they might be brought to communicate with
them; but the event turned out quite the contrary. The
sufferers endured as martyrdom whatever they inflicted upon
them, and neither betrayed nor denied the true faith in
Christ. And those that were without and witnessed their
conduct, and at last even the heathen when they saw these
5 «»« - things, execrated them as antichristian 6 , as cruel executioners 6 ;
f° r numan nature is prone to pity and sympathise with the
p. 247, poor. But these men have lost even the common senti-
r.2,
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and of the Presbyters and Deacons.
275
merits of humanity ; and that kindness which they would tr. vm.
have desired to meet with at the hands of others, had them - — -
selves been sufferers, they would not permit others to receive,
but employed against them the severity and authority of the
magistrates, and especially of the Duke.
20. What they did to the Presbyters and Deacons; how they 63.
drove them into banishment under sentence passed upon
them by the Duke and the Magistrates, causing the soldiers
to throw down their kinsfolk from the houses 1 , and Gorgonius 1 p. 272
the commander of the police 2 to beat them with stripes ; 9^ mtn .
and how (most cruel act of all) with much insolence they 7«»> infr -
p. 295,
plundered the bread* of these and of those who were now note b.
dead ; these things it is impossible for words to describe, for
their cruelty surpasses all the powers of language. What
terms could one employ which might seem equal to the
subject? What circumstances could one mention first, so
that those next recorded would not be found more dreadful,
and the next more dreadful still? All their attempts and
iniquities 3 were full of murder and impiety; and so un- 3
scrupulous and artful are they, that they endeavour to fum
deceive by promises of protection, and by bribing with
money 4 , that so, since they cannot recommend themselves by 4 pp.i36,
fair means, they may thereby- appear to the simple to make^. 286 '
some show.
* «-#&f ^nm, the word occurs above, " most cruel of all, with much insolence
pp. 7, 192, 267. in this sense ; but they tore the limbs of the dead," alleg-
N annius, Hermant, and Tillemont,with ing that merely to take away loaves was
some plausibility understand it as a not so " cruel" as to take away lives,
Latin term naturalized, and translate which the Arians had done.
T 2
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CHAP. VIII.
PERSECUTION IN EGYPT.
^.64. 1. Who would call them even by the name of Gentiles ;
1 p. 208, much less by that of Christians 1 ? Would any one regard their
note b. jjgjjjk an( j feelings as human, and not rather those of wild
beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct ? They are
2 p. 274, more malignant than public hangmen 2 ; more audacious than
r * 6 * all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior,
3 pp.235, and stand far apart and separate from them 3 . I have heard
2 5 3 r l from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful
one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time of
Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles
concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought
after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own sub-
stance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they
might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who
fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own
persons, and were determined to run all risks on their
behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of
* p. 275 a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part 4 , and are dis-
lnlt * tinguished for nothing, but their treachery. They have
appointed themselves as executioners 2 , and seek to betray
all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of
their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that
conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are
Di'^tizec
Martyrdom of Secundus of Barea. 277
they ; so emulous in their evil-doings of the wickedness ofTR.viti.
t j 64 — 66.
Judas.
2. The crimes these men have committed cannot worthily §. 65.
be described. I would only say, that as I write and wish to
enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my
mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the Prov.
horse-leach 1 in the Proverbs, since after so many acts off^.Jgi
injustice, so many murders ; it hath not yet said, 'It is r « 2 -
enough.' No; it still rages, and goes about 2 seeking 2 *^-
after those whom it has not yet discovered, while those * ^S,
whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew -^ e '|^
After the midnight attack, after the evils committed in§. 2 e fin.
consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by
Heraclius, they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before
the Emperor, (and they are confident that as impious
persons they will obtain a hearing,) desiring that something
more than banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that
hereafter those who do not consent to their impieties may
be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an
extreme degree, that most abandoned Secundus 3 of Penta- 3 p. 133,
polis, and Stephanus 4 his accomplice, conscious that theirl # p % 36 ^
heresy was a defence of any injustice they might commit, on
discovering a Presbyter at Barea who would not comply
with their desires, (he was called Secundus, being of the
same name, but not of the same faith with the heretic,) they
kicked till he died b . While he was thus suffering he
imitated the Saint and said, " Let no one avenge my cause
before human judges ; I have the Lord for my avenger, for
whose sake I suffer these things at their hands." They how-
ever were not moved with pity at these words, nor did they
feel any awe of the sacred season ; for it was during the
time of Lent 5 that they thus kicked the man to death. noi/&
3. O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in§. 66.
impiety and wicked deeds ! For in truth it is but a lately
invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to
have adopted its doctrines, yet they concealed them and
were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and Arius,
b In like manner the party of Dio- to death Flavian, Patriarch of Con-
scorus at the Latrocinium, or Eutychian stantinople.
Council of Ephe8us, A.D. 449. kicked
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278 Avians worse than other heretics
Arian like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited 1 forth
Hist. ^ e p 0 i son » G f this impiety ; Arius daring to blaspheme
tr.p.!S. 0 P en ly, and Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was
tJ ra $ia2 not however able to support the heresy, until, as I said
•Orati! before, he found a patron 3 for it in the Emperor. Our
i?Y P i89 fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred
218. of them, more or less, met together and condemned the
r . p <i. ' Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien and strange
<u»x*-to the faith of the Church 4 . Upon this its supporters,
•S^* 1 perceiving that they were dishonoured and had now no
tr^aia 8 0 °d fiF 01111 ** °f argument to insist upon, devised a different
r. 4*. 1 method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external
Vales. 4. And herein one may especially admire the novelty as
HiS 1 ii. we ^ as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond
2S- all other heresies. For these support their fond 6 inventions
r . P i . ' by persuasive arguments calculated to deceive the simple ;
V^'pa-the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with
sublime and enticing words, and with plausible fallacies;
the Jews, leaving the divine Scriptures, now, as the Apostle
iTim.i, again has said, contend about fables and endless genealogies;
and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others,
corrupting the divine Scriptures, put forth fables in terms of
their own invention. But the Arians are bolder than them
all, and have shewn that the other heresies are but their
7 p. 244. younger sisters 7 , whom, as 1 have said, they surpass in
impiety, emulating them all, and especially the Jews, in
their iniquity. For as the Jews, when they were unable to
prove the charges which they pretended to allege against
Paul, straightway led him to the chief captain and the
governor ; so likewise these men, who surpass the Jews in
their devices, make use only of the power of the judges; and
if any one so much as speaks against them, he is dragged
§. 67. before the Governor or the General. The other heresies
also, when the. very Truth has refuted them on the clearest
evidence, are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by
their conviction. But this modern and accursed heresy,
when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down
and covered with shame by the very Truth, forthwith en-
deavours to reduce by violence and stripes and imprison-
Digiftzed by Google
as propagating their doctrines by force. 279
ment those whom it has been unable to persuade by tr. viii.
66 67
argument, thereby acknowledging itself to be any thing — - — -
rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to
compel 0 , but to persuade, as I said before 1 . Thus our Lord 1 p. 257,
Himself, not as employing force, but as offering to their r ' 5,
free choice, has said to all, If any man will follow after Mat.i6,
Me ; and to His disciples, Will ye also go away ? j 4 0 " hn 6>
5. This heresy however is altogether alien from godliness ;
and therefore how otherwise should it act, than contrary to
our Saviour, seeing also that it has enlisted that enemy of
Christ Constantius, as it were Antichrist himself 2 , to be its 2 vid.voi.
leader in impiety? He for its sake has earnestly endeavoured *'Jfe ™'
to emulate Saul in savage cruelty. For when the priests
gave victuals to David, Saul commanded, and they were all
destroyed, in number three hundred and five 3 ; and this man, 3 85
now that all avoid the heresy, and confess a sound faith in Jec!text.
the Lord, overthrows a Council of full three hundred Bishops,
banishes the Bishops themselves, and hinders the people from
the practice of piety, and from their prayers to God, pre-
venting their public assemblies. And as Saul overthrew
Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, advancing even
further in wickedness, has given up the Churches to the
impious. And as he honoured Doeg the accuser before
c The eariy theory ahout persecution and rational grounds in the cause so
seems to have been this, — that that was maintained. Again, there was an evi-
a bad cause which depended upon it, dent impropriety in ecclesiastical func-
but that, when a came was good, there tionaries using secular weapons, as
was nothing wrong in using force in due there would be in their engaging in a
subordination to argument ; that there secular pursuit, or forming secular con-
was as little impropriety in the civil nections ; whereas the soldier might as
magistrate's inducing individuals by suitably, and should as dutifully, defend
force, when they were incapable of religion with the sword, as the scholar
higher motives, as by those secular with his pen. And further there was an
blessings which follow on Christianity, abhorrence of cruelty natural to us.
Our Lord's kingdom was not of this which it was a duty to cherish and
world, that is, it did not depend on this maintain. All this being considered,
world; but, as subduing, engrossing, there is no inconsistency in St. Atha-
and swaying this world, it at times con- nasius denouncing persecution, and in
descended to make use of this world's Theodosius decreeing that " the hure-
weapons against itself. The simple tical teachers, who usurped the sacred
question was whether a cause depended titles of Bishops or Presbyters," should
enforce for Us existence. St. Athana- be " exposed to the heavy penalties of
sius declared, and the event proved, exile and confiscation." Gibbon, Hist,
that Arianism was so dependent. When ch. 27. For a list of passages from the
Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch
ceased to be; it had no life in itself, on the Inquisition, vol. 1. 8ellarmin.de
Again, all cruel persecution, or long Laicis, c. 21. 22. and of authors in
continued, or on a large scale, was favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de
wrong, as arguing an absence of moral Magistr. Polit. p. 741, &c.
Digitized
280 Constantius worse than Saul, Ahab, and Pilate.
Am an the true priests, and persecuted David, giving ear to the
-Ziphites; so this man prefers heretics to the godly, and
even persecutes them that flee from him, giving ear to his
own eunuchs, who falsely accuse the orthodox. He does
not perceive that whatever he does or writes in behalf of the
heresy of the Arians, amounts to an attack upon his Saviour.
68. 6. Ahab himself did not act so cruelly towards the priests
of God, as this man has acted towards the Bishops. For he
was at least pricked in his conscience when Naboth had
been murdered, and was afraid at the sight of Elias ; but
this man neither reverenced the great Hosius, nor was
wearied or pricked in conscience, after banishing so many
Bishops ; but like another Pharaoh, the more he is afflicted,
the more he is hardened, and imagines greater wickedness
day by day. And the most extraordinary instance of his
iniquity was the following. It happened that when the
Bishops were condemned to banishment, certain other
persons also received their sentence on charges of murder
or sedition or theft, each according to the quality of his
offence. These men after a few months he released, on
being requested to do so, as Pilate did Barabbas ; but the
servants of Christ he not only refused to set at liberty, but
even sentenced them to more unmerciful punishment in the
place of their exile, proving himself a perpetual torment to them.
To the others through congeniality of disposition he became
a friend ; but to the orthodox he was an enemy on account
of their true faith in Christ. Is it not clear to all men from
hence, that the Jews of old when they demanded Barabbas,
and crucified the Lord, acted but the part which these
present enemies of Christ are acting together with Con-
l . nfr stantius ? nay, that he is even more bitter than Pilate. For
p. ! 284, Pilate when he perceived the injustice of the deed, washed
r ' 207 ^ S k an< * s ' but this man, while he banishes the saints,
f. i. ' gnashes 1 his teeth against them more and more.
§. 69. 7. But what wonder is it if, after he has been led into
impious errors, he is so cruel towards the Bishops, since the
common feelings of humanity could not induce him to spare
even his own kindred? His uncles d he slew; his cousins
d The brothers of Constantine were these Julius Constantius was father of
Julius Constantius, and Dalmatius ; of GaJlus and Julian, and Dalmatius of
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His past conduct to his own relations.
281
he put out of the way ; he commiserated not the sufferings
of his father-in-law, though he had married his daughter, or
of his kinsmen ; but he has ever been a transgressor of his
oath towards all. So likewise he treated his brother in an
unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre,
although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed
wife Olympias, whom he had protected till his death, and
had brought up as his intended consort. Moreover he
attempted to set aside his wishes, although he boasts to be
his heir 1 ; for so he writes, in terms which any one possessed
but of a small measure of sense would be ashamed of. But
when I compare his letters, 1 find that he does not possess
common understanding, but that his mind is solely regulated
by the suggestions of others, and is by no means in his
own power. Now Solomon says, If a ruler hearken to
lies, all his servants are wicked. This man proves by his
actions that he is such an unjust one, and that those about
him are wicked.
8. How then, being such an one, and taking pleasure in
such associates, can he ever design any thing just or
reasonable, entangled as he is in the iniquity of his fol-
lowers, men given to sorcery, who have trampled his brains
TR. VIII.
68—70.
1 p. 264,
note a.
Prov.
29, 12.
§. 70.
DalmatiusandHannibalianu8.(vid.supr.
p. 94, note s. p. 108, note c.) Constantine
had put his two last-mentioned nephews
almoston an equality with his three sons;
Dalmatius being a Caesar, and Hanni-
balianus " King," the only prince with
that title in any age of the Empire.
On the Emperor's death some of his
great officers as well as the soldiers and
people came to a resolution that none
but his sons should be their masters.
Constantius promised his kinsmen his
protection under an oath; but Euse-
bius of Nicomedia produced a last will
of Constantine's, in which he declared
his suspicions that he had been poi-
soned by his brothers, and called on his
sons to avenge him. Vid. Gibbon, ch. 18.
who continues, " The spirit, and even
the forms of legal proceedings were re-
peatedly violated in a promiscuous mas-
sacre; which involved the two uncles
of Constantius, seven of his cousins, of
whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus
were the most illustrious, the Patrician
Optatus, who had married a sister of
the late Emperor, and the Prefect Ab-
lavius, whose power and riches had in-
spired him with some hope of obtaining
the purple." p. 132. Constantius had
married the daughter of his uncle Julius
Constantius, and had given his sister
in marriage to his cousin Hannibalia-
nus. " Of so numerous a family," con-
tinues Gibbon, " Gallus and Julian
alone, the two youngest children of
Constantius, were saved from the hands
of the assassins." Constantius married
Gallus to his sister, and made him
Caesar. Gallus abused his power, was
recalled from the seat of his govern-
ment, and beheaded in prison. Olym-
pias was the daughter of Ablavius,
who was betrothed to the Emperor
Constans; about the time of Ath.'s
writing, Constantius married her to
Arsaces, king of Armenia. Amm.
Marcell. xx. 11 init. We may sup-
pose A than, in the text expresses the
feeling of the day at this alliance, or
of Constantius's enemies. Arsaces was
a Christian. St. Olympias was niece
to this Olympias. Tillem. Empereurs,
t. 4. p. 219.
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Coogle
282
Inconstancy of Comtantius.
AaiAN under the soles of their feet ? Wherefore he now writes
■ Hl8T * letters, and then repents that he has written them, and after
repenting is again stirred up to anger, and then again
laments his fate, and being undetermined what to do, he
shews a soul destitute of understanding. Being then of
such a character, one would rather pity him, because that
under the semblance and name of freedom he is the slave of
those who drag him on to gratify their own impious pleasure.
In a word, while through his folly and inconstancy, as the
Scripture saith, he is willing to comply with the desires of
others, he has given himself up to condemnation, to be
consumed by fire in the future judgment; at once con-
senting to do whatever they wish, and gratifying them in
their designs against the Bishops, and in their exertion of
authority over the Churches.
9. For behold, he has now again thrown into disorder all
the Churches of Alexandria and of Egypt and Libya, and
has publicly given orders, that the Bishops of the Catholic
Church and faith be cast out of them, and that they be given
up to the professors of the Arian doctrines. The General
began to carry this order into execution ; and straightway
Bishops were sent off in chains, and Presbyters and Monks
bound with iron, after being almost beaten to death with
stripes. Disorder prevails in every place; all Egypt and
Libya are in danger, the people being indignant at this
unjust command, and seeing in it the preparation for the
coming of Antichrist, and beholding their property plundered
by others, and given up into the hands of the heretics.
§. 71. 10. When was ever such iniquity heard of? when was
such an evil deed ever perpetrated, even in times of per-
secution? They were heathens who persecuted formerly;
but they did not bring their idols into the Churches.
Zenobia was a Jewess, and a supporter of Paul of Samosata ;
but she did not give up the Churches to the Jews for
l t&n Synagogues. This is a new piece of iniquity 1 . It is not
simply persecution, but more than persecution, it is a prelude
2 vol. 8. and preparation 2 for the coming of Antichrist. Even if it be
Sote q. admitted 3 that they invented false charges against Athanasius
3 *22i ^ e rest °^ ^ e bishops w hom they banished, yet what is
f. 5. ' this to their later practices ? What charges have they to allege
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Banishment of Egyptian Bishops. 288
against the whole of Egypt and Libya and Pentapolis 1 F ForT«uvm.
they have begun no longer to lay their plots against in- 1 - ^
dividuals, in which case they might be able to frame a lie $. 3. 7
against them ; but they have set upon all in a body, so that,
however they may wish to invent accusations against them,
they must be condemned. Thus their wickedness has
blinded their understanding; and they have required, without
any reason assigned, that the whole body of the Bishops
shall be expelled, and thereby they shew that the charges
they framed against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops
whom they banished were false, and invented for no other
purpose than to support the accursed heresy of the Arian
enemies of Christ.
11. This is now no longer concealed, but has become
most manifest to all men. He commanded Athanasius to
be expelled out of the city, and gave up the Churches to
them. And the Presbyters and Deacons that were with
him, who had been appointed by Peter and Alexander, were
also expelled and driven into banishment; and the real
Arians, who not through any suspicions arising from circum-
stances 3 , but on account of the heresy had been expelled at*Zg»fo
first together with Arius himself by the Bishop Alexander,
Secundus in Libya, in Alexandria Euzoius 3 the Chananean, 3 infr.
Julius, Ammon, Marcus, Irenaeus, Zozimus, and Serapion
surnamed Pelycon, and in Libya Sisinnius, and the younger
men with him, associates in his impiety; these obtained
possession of the Churches. And the General Sebastian §. 72.
wrote to the governors and military authorities in every
place; and the true Bishops were persecuted, and those
who professed impious doctrines were brought in in their
stead. They banished Bishops who had grown old in
orders 4 , and had been many years in the Episcopate, having 4 xx^ f
been ordained by the Bishop Alexander; Ammonius^,5p. 193.
Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus, they sent to the Upper
Oasis; Muis, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and
Athenodorus to Ammoniaca, with no other intention than
that they should perish in their passage through the deserts.
They had no pity on them though they were suffering from
disease, and indeed proceeded on their journey with so
much difficulty on account of their weakness, that they were
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284 Nuns and forty laymen scourged, murdered, or banished.
Arian obliged to be carried in litters, and their sickness was so
HlST - dangerous that the materials for their burial accompanied
them. One of them indeed died, but they would not even
i pp.228, permit the body to be given up to his friends for interment 1 .
193,r ' 2, With the same purpose they banished also the Bishop
a p. 193. Dracontius 2 to the desert places about Clysma, Philo to
Babylon, Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebais, and the
Presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene. They likewise
drove into exile Ammonius, Agathus, Agathodaemon, Apol-
lonius, Eulogius, Apollo, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius,
:l ancient 3 Bishops, as also the Bishops Dioscorus, Ammonius,
266^.5. Heraclides, and Psais ; some of whom they gave up to work
in the stone-quarries, others they persecuted with an in-
tention to destroy, and many others they plundered.
12. They banished also forty of the laity, with certain
4 p. 192. virgins whom they had before exposed to the fire 4 ; beating
them so severely with rods taken from the palm-tree, that
after lingering five days some of them died, and others had
recourse to medical treatment on account of the thorns left
in their limbs, from which they suffered torments worse than
5 p. 193. death 5 . But what is most dreadful to the mind of any man
40 ^en. °f souri( l understanding, though characteristic of these
6 misbe- miscreants 6 , is this: When the Virgins during the scourging
hevers. ca \\ G fi U p 0n the Name of Christ, they gnashed their teeth
7 p. 280, against them with increased fury 7 . Nay more, they would
r * 1# not give up the bodies of the dead to their friends for burial,
but concealed them that they might appear to be ignorant of
the murder. They did not however escape detection ; the
whole city perceived it, and all men withdrew from them as
8 p. 275, executioners 8 , as malefactors and robbers. Moreover they
V#t«- overthrew monasteries 9 , and endeavoured to cast the Monks
rT^#* into the fire ; they plundered houses, and breaking into the
house of certain free citizens where the Bishop had de-
posited a treasure, they plundered and took it away. They
io p. 274, scourged the widows on the soles of their feet 10 , and hindered
r * L them from receiving their alms.
§.73. 13. Such were the iniquities practised by the Arians;
and as to their further deeds of impiety, who could hear the
account of them without shuddering? They had caused
these venerable old men and aged Bishops to be sent into
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Heathens advanced to the sees for money payments. 285
banishment ; they now appointed in their stead profligate tr. vm.
heathen youths, whom they thought to raise at once to the
highest dignity, though they were not even Catechumens 1 . 1 vid.
And others who were accused of bigamy % and even of worse
crimes, they nominated Bishops on account of the wealth part 2. i,
and civil power which they possessed, and sent them out as l art ' 2,
it were from a market, upon their giving them gold 2 . And 2 P- 5 » r - 1 -
now more dreadful calamities befel the people. For when?.'i, '
they rejected these mercenary dependents of the Arians, so
alien from themselves, they were scourged, they were pro-
scribed, they were shut up in prison by the General, (who
did all this readily, being a Manichee,) in order that they
might no longer seek after their own Bishops, but be forced
to accept those whom they abominated, men who were now
guilty of the same mockeries as they had before practised
among their idols.
14. Will not every just person break forth into lamenta-§. 74.
tions at the sight or hearing of these things, at perceiving
the arrogance and extreme injustice of these impious men f
The righteous lament in the place of the impious. After allProv.
these things, and now that the impiety has reached such a|g^ 8 "
pitch of audacity, who will any longer venture to call this
Costyllius f a Christian, and not rather the image of Anti-
christ ? For what mark of Antichrist is yet wanting to him ?
How can he in any way fail to be regarded as he ? or how
can the latter fail to be supposed such a one as he is ? Did
not the Arians and the Gentiles offer those sacrifices in the
great Church in the Caesareum 3 , and utter their blasphemies 3 p- 269,
against Christ as by His command ? And does not the
vision of Daniel thus describe Antichrist; that he shall
make war with the saints, and prevail against them, and
exceed all that have been before him in evil deeds, and shall
humble three kings, and speak words against the Most High,
and shall think to change times and laws ? Now what other
person besides Constantius has ever attempted to do these
things ? He is surely such a one as Antichrist would be.
He speaks words against the Most High by supporting this
e hytnmsit, not Ityufxoif. on the latter, or a quasi diminutive from Constantius,
vid. Suicer, Thes. in voc. hym/ita. Ter- as Agathyllus from Agathocles, Heryl-
tull. Works, tr. vol. i. p. 419, note N. lus from Heracles, &c. vid. Matth. Gr.
f An irregularly formed diminutive, Gramm. §. 102. ed. 1820.
Digitized by Google
286 Conslantius a figure of Antichrist.
A man impious heresy : he makes war against the saints by banishing
Hl9T ' the Bishops ; although indeed he exercises this power but
for a little while* to his own destruction. Moreover he has
surpassed those before him in wickedness, having devised a
new mode of persecution; and after he had overthrown three
kings, namely Vetranio, Magnentius, and Gallus, he straight-
1 p. 278, way undertook the patronage 1 of impiety ; and like a giant h
r ' 3 ' he has dared in his pride to set himself up against the Most
High.
15. He has thought to change laws, by transgressing the
ordinance of the Lord given us through His Apostles, by
altering the customs of the Church, and inventing a new
kind of ordinations. For he sends from strange places distant
* p. 133, a fifty days' journey 2 , Bishops attended by soldiers to people
r ' 10 ' unwilling to receive them ; and instead of an introduction to
the acquaintance of their people, they bring with them
threatening messages, and letters to the magistrates. Thus
3 vol. 8. he has sent Gregory from Cappadocia to Alexandria ; he has
notcfe. transferred Germinius 3 from Cyzicus to Sirmium; he has
§. 75. removed Cecropius 4 from Laodicea to Nicomedia. Again he
« p. 133, transferred from Cappadocia to Milan one Auxentius 5 , a man
* vol 8 pragmatic^ rather than Christian, whom he commanded to
p. 82, stay there after he had banished for his piety towards Christ,
note x. £>i 0I1 y Snis Bishop of the place, a godly man. But this
person was as yet even ignorant of the Latin language, and
unskilful in every thing except impiety. And now one George
«dc#K«-a Cappadocian, who was contractor of stores 6 at Constanti-
J3T' 192 ^nople, having embezzled all monies that he received,
264, was obliged to fly, he commanded to enter Alexandria with
note b. miliary pomp, and supported by the authority of the General.
And he, finding there one Epictetus* a novice, a bold young
8 Short lives are generally consi- h vid.de Deer. §. 32. tr. p. 58, note
dered the destiny of the Church's perse- m. Orat. ii. §. 32. Naz. Orat. 43, 26.
cutors, and length of days the token of Socr. Hist. v. 10. p. 268.
her protectors. What of old was said i Epictetus is mentioned above, p.
of pain, applies to persecution — si gra- 133, where he is called &r#»{/m#, which
vis, brevis ; Antichrist's oppression seems after Montfaucon was translated * 'stage-
to be marked out as three years and a player." It is a question, however, espe-
half. Constantius died at 45, having cially considering the correspondence
openly apostatized for about six years, between that passage and the present,
Julian died at 32, after a reign of a whether more than 'actor' is meant by
year and a half. vid. supr. p. 245, r. 4. it, alluding to the mockery of an ordi-
vid. also Bellarmin. de Notis Eccl. 17. nation in which he seems to have taken
and 18. part. Though an Asiatic apparently
Digitized by Google
Substitution of Felix at Rome for Liberius. 287
man, made him bis friend k , perceiving that he was ready forTn.vni.
any wickedness ; and by bis means he carries on his designs y4 ~~ y6 '
against those of the Bishops whom he desires to ruin. For
he is prepared to do every thing that the Emperor wishes ;
who accordingly availing himself of his assistance, has com-
mitted at Rome a strange act, but one truly resembling the
malice of Antichrist. Having made preparations in the
Palace instead of the Church, and caused some three of his
own eunuchs to attend instead of the people, he then
compelled three 1 ill-conditioned spies 1 , (for one cannot call*pp.22i,
them Bishops,) to ordain forsooth as Bishop one Felix m , a^ 263 '
man worthy of them, then in the Palace. For the people
perceiving the iniquitous proceedings of the heretics would
not allow them to enter the Churches, and withdrew them-
selves entirely from them.
16. Now what is yet wanting to make him Antichrist? or§. 76.
what more could Antichrist do at his coming than this man
has done ? Will he not find when he comes that the way
has been already prepared for him by this man easily to
deceive the people ? Again, he claims to himself the right of
deciding causes, which he refers to the Court instead of the
Church, and presides at them in person. And strange it is
to say, when he perceives the accusers at a loss, he takes up
the accusation himself, so that the injured party may no
longer be able to defend himself on account of the violence
which he displays. This he did in the proceedings against
Athanasius. For when he saw the boldness of the Bishops
Paulinus, Lucifer, Eusebius, and Dionysius, and how out of
by birth, he was made Bishop of Civita
V ecchia. We hear of him at the con-
ference between Constantius and Libe-
rius. Theod. Hist. ii. 13. Then he
assists in the ordination of Felix. After-
wards he made a martyr of S. Ruffinian
by making him run before his carriage;
and he ends his historical career by
taking a chief part among the Arians at
Ariminum, vid. Tillem. t. 6. p. 380, &c.
Ughell. Ital. 1. 10. p. 56.
* The Greek is 9 E«t»mrU nta...
yfwrig#9. . . flyaflmrf », ». r. X. So in
the account of the ti**Ux»t-, *0 & *I»r#t*
ifi&xtyag *br$ t ny&xntvt «Jrw. Mark
x. 21.
1 i. e. to keep up the form of the
canonical number; and so a century
earlier, in the case of Novatian, in the
same see, while the capital was still
heathen, we read in Eusebius that he
brought from some obscure part of Italy
" threeBishops," " rustic and ignorant,"
who after a full meal, when they were
not themselves, consecrated him. Hist,
vi. 43. On the custom itself, vid. Bingh.
Antiqu. ii. 11. §. 4.
m This Felix has been in after times
accounted a true Pope and Martyr,
and has been supposed to have con-
demned Constantius. The circum-
stances will be found in Tillemont,
Mem. t. 6. p. 778. Bolland. Catal.
Pontif. Gibbon, ch. 21. p. 390.
Digitized by Google
288
Banishment of the Italian Bishops.
A ri an the recantation of Ursacius and Valens they confuted those
HlST * who spoke against the Bishop, and advised that Valens and
his associate should no longer be believed since they had
already retracted what they now asserted, he immediately
stood up and said, " I am now the accuser of Athanasius ;
on my account you must believe what these assert." And
then, when they said, — " But how can you be an accuser,
when the accused person is not present ? and if you are his
accuser, yet he is not present, and therefore cannot be tried.
And the cause is not one that concerns Rome, so that you
should be believed as being the Emperor ; but it is a matter
that concerns a Bishop; and the trial ought to be conducted
on equal terms both to the accuser and the accused. And
besides, how can you accuse him? for you could not be
present to witness the conduct of one who lived at so great
a distance from you ; and if you speak but what you have
heard from these, you ought also to give credit to what he
says ; but if you will not believe him, while you do believe
them, it is plain that they assert these things for your sake,
1 p. 267, and accuse Athanasius only to gratify you 1 ?" — when he
r * 4 ' heard this, thinking that what they had so truly spoken was
an insult to himself, he sent them into banishment; and
being exasperated against Athanasius, he wrote in a more
savage strain, requiring that he should suffer what has now
befallen him, and that the Churches should be given up to
the Arians, and that they should be allowed to do whatever
they pleased.
§. 77. 17. Terrible indeed, and worse than terrible are such
proceedings; and yet is this conduct suitable to him who
represents the character of Antichrist. Who that beheld
him bearing sway over his pretended Bishops, and presiding
in Ecclesiastical causes, would not justly exclaim that this
Dan. 9, was the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel ?
For having put on the profession of Christianity, and
entering into the holy places, and standing therein, he lays
waste the Churches, transgressing their Canons, and en-
forcing the observance of his own decrees. Will any one
now venture to say that this is a peaceful time with
Christians, and not a time of persecution? A persecution
indeed, such as never arose before, and such as no one
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Easy for the Meletians to coalesce with the Arians. 289
perhaps will again stir up, except the son of lawlessness, doTR.vm.
these enemies of Christ exhibit, who already present a ^ThesJ
picture of him in their own persons. Wherefore it especially 2, 8.
behoves us to be sober, lest this heresy which has reached
such a height of impudence, and has diffused itself abroad like
the poison of an adder, as it is written in the Proverbs, and Ps « 68 >
which teaches doctrines contrary to the Saviour ; lest, I say,
this be that falling away, after which He shall be revealed, j* Thess.
of whom Constantius is surely the forerunner 1 . Else where- 1 V^*-
fore is he so mad against the godly? wherefore does he£*>™ d#
contend for it as his own heresy, and call every one his p. 79,
enemy who will not comply with the madness of Arius, and noteq *
admit gladly the allegations of the enemies of Christ, and
dishonour so many venerable Councils? why did he com-
mand that the Churches should be given up to the Arians ?
was it not that, when that other comes, he may thus find
a way to enter into them, and may take to himself him who
has prepared those places for him ?
18. For the ancient Bishops who were ordained by
Alexander, and by his predecessor Achilles, and by Peter
before him, have been cast out ; and those introduced whom
the companions of soldiers nominated ; and they nominated
only such as promised to adopt their doctrines. This was§. 78.
an easy proposition for the Meletians to comply with ; for
the greater part, or rather the whole of them, have never had
a religious education, nor are they acquainted with the
sound faith* in Christ, nor do they know at all what 2 p. 149,
Christianity is, or what writings we Christians possess. For r " 3 "
having come out, some of them from the worship of idols,
and others from the senate, or from the first civil offices, for
the sake of the miserable exemption 3 from duty and for the 3 pp. 84,
patronage they gained, and having bribed 4 the Meletians who! p' p . 89,
preceded them, they have been advanced to this dignity 161 > 291 -
even before they were Catechumens. And even if they
pretended to have been such, yet what kind of instruction 5 is 4 cate-
to be obtained among the Meletians? But indeed without chlslng *
even pretending to have been instructed, they came at once,
and immediately were called Bishops, just as children re-
ceive a name. Being then persons of this description, they
thought the thing of no great consequence, nor even sup-
290 Meletians introduced Arianism into Egypt,
Am an posed that piety 1 was different from impiety. Accordingly
Hist. ^ om k e j ng Meletians they readily and speedily became
"""^Arians; and if the Emperor should command them to adopt
any other profession, they are ready to change again to that
also. Their ignorance of true godliness 1 quickly brings them
to submit to the prevailing folly, and that which happens to be
first taught them. For it is nothing to them to be carried about
by every wind and tempest, so long as they are only exempt
from duty, and obtain the patronage of men ; nor would
2 pp. 88, they care probably to change again 2 to what they were
32 before, even to become such as they were when they were
heathens.
19. Any how, being men of such an easy temper, and
3 <r#xj- considering the Church as a civil senate 3 , and like heathen,
T £*itni being infected with the worship of idols, they have put on
the honourable name of our Saviour, under which they have
polluted the whole of Egypt, were it only that they have
caused the name of the Arian heresy to be known therein.
For Egypt has heretofore been the only country, throughout
which the profession of the orthodox faith was boldly
4 p. 81. maintained 4 ; and therefore these misbelievers have striven
to introduce jealousy there also, or rather not they, but
the Devil who has stirred them up, in order that when
his herald Antichrist shall come, he may find that the
Churches in Egypt also are his own, and that the
5 Meletians have already been instructed in his principles,
^f*" and may recognise himself as already formed 5 in them.
§.79. Such is the effect of that iniquitous* order which was
issued by Constantius. On the part of the people there was
displayed a ready alacrity to submit to martyrdom, and an
increased hatred of this most impious heresy ; and yet
lamentations for their Churches, and groans burst from all,
Joel 2, while they cried unto the Lord, " Spare Thy people, O Lord,
l7 ' and give not Tfdne heritage unto Thine enemies to reproach;
i £»4«»»,but make haste to deliver us out of the hand of the lawless 7 .
2Thess.-p or ^hol^ they have not spared Thy servants, but are
preparing the way for Antichrist."
20. For the Meletians will never resist him, nor will they
care for the truth, nor will they esteem it an evil thing to
deny Christ. They are men who have not approached the
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when the Catholics chose rather to be banished. 291
Lord with sincerity ; like the chameleon 1 they assume every tr. viii.
various appearance; they are hirelings 2 of any who will make 80 "
use of them. They make not the truth their aim, but prefer P . V 2.
before it their present pleasures; they say only, Let us eat*°^<£% 9
and drink, for to-morrow we die. Such a profession andr. 4.
faithless temper is more worthy of the Epicritian 3 players jg 0 ^
than of the Meletians. But the faithful servants of our 3 h»strio-
Saviour, and the true Bishops who believe with sincerity, 8C ~
and live not for themselves, but for the Lord ; they faithfully Montf «
believing in our Lord Jesus Christ, and knowing, as I said
before, that the charges which were alleged against the truth
were false, and plainly fabricated for the sake of the Arian
heresy, (for by the recantation 4 of Ursacius and Valens they 4 p. 86,
detected the calumnies which were devised against Athana-
sius, for the purpose of removing him out of the way, and of
introducing into the Churches the impieties of the enemies
of Christ ;) they, I say, perceiving all this, as defenders and
preachers of the truth, chose rather, and endured to be
insulted and driven into banishment, than to subscribe
against him, aud to hold communion with the Arian fanatics.
They forgot not the lessons they had taught to others ; yea,
they know well that great dishonour remains for the traitors,
but for them which confess the truth, the kingdom of
heaven 5 ; and that to the careless and such as fear Con- 5 supr.
stantius will happen no good thing; but for them that endure^' i. '
tribulations here, as sailors reach a quiet haven after a storm,
as wrestlers receive a crown after the combat, so these shall
obtain great and eternal joy and delight in heaven ; — such as
Joseph obtained after his tribulations ; such as the great
Daniel had after his temptations and the manifold con-
spiracies of the courtiers against him ; such as Paul now
enjoys having received a. crown from his Saviour; such as
the people of God every where expect. They, seeing these
things, were not intinn of purpose, but strong in faith, and
increased in their zeal more and more. Being fully per-
suaded of the calumnies and impieties of the heretics, they
condemn the persecutor, and in heart and mind run together
the same course with them that are persecuted, that they
also may obtain the crown of Confession.
21. One might say much more against this accursed and §. 80.
u 2
'292 Duty of separating from the heretics.
Arian anticbristian heresy, and might demonstrate by many argu-
Hl8T * ments that the practices of Constantius are a prelude to the
coming of Antichrist. But seeing that, as the Prophet has
said, from the feet even to the head there is no soundness in
it, but it is full of all filthiness and all impiety, so that the
1 p. 138. very name 1 of it ought to be avoided as a dog's vomit or
the poison of serpents ; and seeing that Costyllius openly
2 «V#- exhibits the image of the adversary 2 ; in order that our
2*xhegg. worQ4 s may not be too many, it will be well to content 0 our-
2 > 4 * selves with the divine Scripture, and that we all obey the
3 supr. precept 3 which it has given us both in regard to other
p " 148 ' heresies, and especially respecting this. That precept is as
Is. 52, follows ; Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch
11# no unclean thing ; go ye out of the midst of them, and
be ye clean, that bear the vessels of the Lord. This may
suffice" to instruct us all, so that if any one has been deceived
by them, he may go out from them, as out of Sodom, and
not return again unto them, lest he suffer the fate of Lot's
wife ; and if any one has continued from the beginning pure
from this impious heresy, he may glory in Christ and say,
Ps. 44, " We have not stretched out our hands to a strange god ;
20 * neither have we worshipped the works of our own hands, nor
*supr. served the creature 4 more than Thee, the God that hast
r'l. 41 ' created all things through Thy Word, the Only-begotten
Son our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to Thee the
Father together with the same Word in the Holy Spirit be
glory and power for ever and ever. Amen."
n *akbv kt*ie$n*K$, rwro tL^xiii and 5 init. fro pit §Z* retire j*«m», Orat. i.
so $extt ph yk^y Apol.contr. Ar. 2 init. 17. /*«»« fih Ep. ad Serap. iii. 2
(a\* «v9 recura. de Deer. 15 init. init. «£«iT rttvra i ad Serap. iv. 7 init.
**} #l«tf (in reiura, de Sent. D. 4 init. &exttort } ad Epict. Vid. also Orat. i. 7.
d^*%7 ya,£ ubrns, Apol. de Fug. 1 fin. B. Orat. ii init. Orat. iii. 47. Ep. iEg.
txavet fih eZv ruura, ibid. 24 init. lx.oi*bt 9 init. ad Serap. iv. 1 init ad Max. 5_
ph ov9 xeu rwro, ad Serap. de M. A. &c.
V
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The Second Protest*.
1. The people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria, which §. 81.
is under the government of the most Reverend Bishop Atha-
nasius, make this public protest by those whose names are
under-written.
We have already protested against the nocturnal assault
which was committed upon ourselves and the Lord's house 1 ; Ui^****
although in truth there needed no protest in respect to pro-
ceedings with which the whole city has been already made
acquainted. For the bodies of the slain which were disco-
vered were exposed in public, and the bows and arrows and
other arms found in the Lord's house loudly proclaim the
iniquity.
2. But whereas after our Protest already made, the most
illustrious Duke Syrianus endeavours to force all men to
agree with him, as though no tumult had been made, nor
any had perished, (wherein is no small proof that these things
were not done according to the wishes of the most gracious
Emperor Augustus Constantius ; for he would not have been
so much afraid of the consequences of this transaction, had
he acted therein by command ;) and whereas also, when we
w T ent to him, and requested him not to do violence to any,
nor to deny what had taken place, he ordered us, being
Christians, to be beaten with clubs; thereby again giving
proof of the nocturnal assault which has been directed
against the Church : —
We therefore make also this present Protest, certain of us
being now about to travel to the most religious Emperor
* Of the two Protests referred to ning of the Protest which follows, it in not
supr. p. 263, the first was omitted by the found there, nor does it appear what
copyists, as being already contained, as document of A.D. 356. could properly
Montfaucon seems to say, in the Apology have a place in a set of papers which
against the Arians ; yet if it be the one end with A.D. 350.
to which allusion is made in the begin-
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294
Protest of the Alexandrians.
Arian Augustus: and we adjure Maximus the Prefect of Egypt,
1 T * - and the Controllers 1 , in the name of Almighty God, and for
osi, Un the sake of the salvation of the most religious Augustus
note 0 ^ Constantius, to relate all these things to the piety of
Augustus, and to the authority of the most illustrious Pre-
y-e^thefects 2 . We adjure also all the masters of vessels, to publish
T i aD . these things every where, and to carry them to the ears of
the most religious Augustus, and to the Prefects and the
Magistrates in every place, in order that it may be known
that a war has been waged against the Church, and that, in
3 the times 3 of Augustus Constantius, Syrianus has caused
179^2. Virgins and many others to become martyrs.
3. As it dawned upon the fifth before the Ides of
4 Febr.9. February 4 , that is to say, the fourteenth of the month Mechir,
5 supr. while we were keeping vigil 5 in the Lord's house, and engaged
init.206.* n our P ra y ers (f° r there was to be a communion on the Pre-
6 Friday, paration 6 ) ; suddenly about midnight, the most illustrious Duke
notei 7 9 Syrianus attacked us and the Church with many legions of
7 i. e. soldiers 7 armed with naked swords and javelins and other
than* warlike instruments, and wearing helmets on their heads ;
6 °206 an ^ even w ^ e we were P ra y* n &> an ^ wn ti e the lessons were
P " being read, they broke down the doors. And when the doors
were burst open by the violence of the multitude, he gave
command, and some of them shot their arrows; others
shouted ; their arms rattled, and their swords flashed in the
light of the lamps; and forthwith the Virgins were slain,
many men were trampled down, and fell over one another as
the soldiers came upon them, and several were pierced with
arrows and perished. Some of the soldiers also betook them-
selves to plundering, and stripped the Virgins naked, who were
more afraid of being even touched by them than they were of
death.
4. The Bishop continued sitting upon his throne, and
exhorted all to pray. The Duke led on the attack, having
with him Hilarius the notary, whose part in the proceedings
was shewn in the sequel. The Bishop was seized, and hardly
escaped being torn to pieces ; and having fallen into a state
of insensibility, and appearing as one dead, he disappeared
from among them, and has gone we know not whither. They
were eager to kill him. And when they saw that many had
v
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Protest of the Alexandrians.
295
perished, they gave orders to the soldiers to remove out of
sight the bodies of the dead. But the most holy Virgins who
were left there were buried in the tombs, having attained the
glory of martyrdom in the times 1 of the most religious Con- 1 p. 294,
stantius. Deacons also were beaten with stripes even in the r '
Lord's house, and were shut up there.
5. Nor did matters stop even here : for after all this had
happened, whosoever pleased broke open any door that he
could, and searched, and plundered what was within. They
entered even into those places, which not even all Christians
are allowed to enter. Gorgonius the commander of the
city force b knows this, for he was present. And no unim-
portant evidence of the nature of this hostile assault is afforded
by the circumstance, that the armour and javelins and swords
borne by those who entered were left in the Lord's house.
They have been hung up in the Church until this time, that
they might not be able to deny it : and although they sent
several times Dynamius the soldier 8 , as well as the Com- 2 **> «■«
mander of the city police, desiring to take them away, wej^lnpr.
would not allow it, until the circumstance was known to all. P* 274 -,
6. Now if an order has been given that we should be
persecuted, we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if it
be not by order of Augustus, we desire Maximus the Prefect
of Egypt and all the city magistrates to request of him that
they may not again be suffered thus to assail us. And we
desire also that this our petition may be presented to him,
that they may not attempt to bring in hither any other
Bishop : for we have resisted unto death s , desiring to have 3 pp. 63,
the most Reverend Athanasius, whom God gave us at the 81,
beginning, according to the succession of our fathers ; whom
also the most religious Augustus Constantius himself sent to
us with letters and oaths. And we believe that when his
Piety is informed of what has taken place, he will be greatly
displeased, and will do nothing contrary to his oath, but will
b rrg *rnyw. There were two tr^mm-
y§) or duumvirs at the head of the
police force at Alexandria; they are
mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11.
where S. Dionysius speaks of their
seizing him. We read of them at Phi-
lippi in Luke 16, 35. vid. Vales, in foe.
Euseb. et in Amm. Marc. xxxi. 6.
The word is translated in the Justinian
Code, Prater, vid. Du Cange, Gloss.
Gr«c. in voc.
2
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296 Protest of the Alexandrians.
again give orders that our Bishop Athanasius shall remain
with us.
To the Consuls to be elected 0 after the Consulship of the
1 L 0111 * most illustrious Arbaethion and Collianus 1 ; on the seventeenth
anas.
8 Febr. Mechir, which is the day before the Ides of February 2 .
12.
e Since the Consuls came into office striatum Arbitionis et Loliani." And
on the first of January, and were pro- in Socr. Hist. ii. 29. in the instance of
claimed in each city, vid. p. 153, note the year 361, when there were no
m, it is strange that the Alexandrians Consuls, and in 346, when there was
here speak in February as if ignorant a difference on the subject between the
of their names. The phrase, however, Emperors who were eventually them-
is found elsewhere. Thus in this very selves Consuls, the first months are
year the Anonymus Maffeianus, (who dated in like manner from the Consuls
is spoken of in the Preface of this of the foregoing year.
Volume,) dates Jan. 5. as " post Con-
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APPENDIX.
S. Alexander's Deposition of Arius and his companions,
and Encyclical Letter on the subject.
[As Montfaucon has introduced the two documents which follow into his
Edition, it has been thought that, though not Athanasius's, they might
occupy a place in a volume, like the present, which already contains so
large a collection of the ecclesiastical tracts and papers of the day to which
it belongs. Should the internal character of the Encyclical Letter lead to
the suspicion that it is probably Athan.'s own composition, in his situation
of Deacon to St. Alexander, or at least as being in nis intimate confidence,
there will be a further reason for introducing it here. The grounds of this
conjecture are such as the following. 1 . It is written in a style altogether
unlike S. Alexander's, which, (as we see in his Epistle to S. Alexander
of Constantinople contained in Theod. Hist. i. 3.) is elaborate and in-
volved and abounding in compound words, with nothing of the simplicity
and vigor of St. Athan. 's; with which, 2. the style of this document is
identical, using the very same words and terms of expression for which
Athan. is so remarkable. 3. The theological terms, nay the theological
view, of St. Alex., is proper to himself, and could not suitably be ascribed
to S. Athan., who, to say no more, has far fewer technical phrases than
his predecessor; and here the Encyclical Epistle answers to S. Athan.'s
writings, not to St. Alex.'s. 4. Certain texts quoted in the course of it,
are used as Athan. quotes and uses them in his acknowledged works.
Some of these points of resemblance and dissimilarity shall be mentioned
in the notes. The date of St. Alexander's document is 321.]
Alexander, being assembled* with his beloved brethren, the Presbyters 1
and Deacons of Alexandria, and the Mareotis, greets them in the **t tvn9
Lord.
Although you have already subscribed to the letter I addressed to
the followers of Arius, exhorting them to renounce his impiety, and
to submit themselves to the sound Catholic Faith, and have shewn
your right-mindedness 8 and agreement in the doctrines of the Catholic 2
Church ; yet forasmuch as I have written also to our fellow-ministers
in every place concerning the Arians, and especially since some of
you, as the Presbyters Chares and Pistus», and the Deacons Serapion, 3 pp. 37,
Goo
296
Appendix.
Parammon, Zozimus, and Irenceus, have joined the Arian party, and
been content to suffer deposition with them, I thought it needful to
assemble together you, the Clergy of the city, and to send for you
the Clergy of the Mareotis, in order that you may understand what I
have now written, and may testify your agreement thereto, and give
your concurrence in the deposition of the followers of Arius and
Pistus. For it is desirable that you should be made acquainted with
the sentiments I have expressed, and that each of you should heartily
embrace them, as though he had written them himself.
Appendix.
299
A Copy.
To bis dearly beloved and most honoured fellow-ministers 1 of the 1 evxxu.
Catholic Church in every place, Alexander sends health in the^ y# "'
Lord. leagues.
1. As there is one body' of the Catholic Church, and a command is §. 1.
given us in the sacred Scriptures to preserve the bond of unity and Eph. 4,
peace, it is agreeable thereto, that we should write and signify to one 3>
another whatever is done by each of us individually ; so that whether
one member suffer or rejoice, we may either suffer or rejoice with one
another. Now there are gone forth in this diocese, at this time,
certain lawless 1 * men, enemies of Christ, teaching an apostasy, which
one may justly suspect and designate as the forerunner 0 of Antichrist.
I was desirous d to pass such a matter by without notice, in the hope
that perhaps the evil would spend itself among its supporters, and not
extend to other places to defile 6 the ears f of the simple*. But seeing
that Eusebius now of Nicomedia, who thinks that the government of
the Church rests with him, because retribution has not come upon
him for his desertion of Berytus, when he had cast an eye h of desire
on the Church of the Nicomediaus, begins to support these apostates,
and has taken upon him to write letters every where in their behalf,
if by any means he may draw in certain ignorant persons to this most
base and antichristian heresy ; I am therefore constrained, knowing
what is written in the law, no longer to hold my peace, but to make
it known to you all; that you may understand who the apostates are,
and the unhappy terms 1 which their heresy has adopted, and that,
should Eusebius write to you, you may pay no attention to him, for
he now desires by means of these men to exhibit anew his old
* St. Alexander in Theod. begins his 3 fin. ad Max. §. 1. contr. Apollin. i. 1
Epistle to his namesake of Constants init
nople with some moral reflections, con- • }»*»ffy and infr. ft***, vid. Hist,
cerning ambition and avarice. Athan. Ar. §. 3. C. §. 80. B. de Deer. $. 2. C.
indeed uses a similar introduction to his Ep. JEg. 11 fin. Orat. i. 10. C.
Ep. Mg. but it is not addressed to an f axtat, and infr. fivu. vid. Ep.
individual. ;Eg. §. 13. A. Orat. i. §. 7. A. Hist.
»> *a{*nfi$t. vid. Hist Ar. §. 71 init. Ar. §. 56. B.
§. 75 fin. 79. A. 8 dxt^t. Apol. contr. Ar. §. 1. A.
c *e&pfju* *A*rixtfrr«u. vid. Orat. i. Ep. Mg. §. 18. E. ad Epict §. 1. fin.
7. B. Vit. Ant. 6y. A. vol. 8. p. 79, ad Adelph. §. 2. fin. Orat. i. 8. E.
note q. h l*$Qfa\ftlf*s also used of Eusebius.
<* xa) \p>ouXip*f ft\t *tot*n Wutii Apol. contr. Ar.§.6. D. Hist. Ar. §. 7.
II. . . ,&*£yzti* vid. Apol. contr. A.
Ar. §. 1 init. de Deer. §. 2. F. Orat. i. i fnpfa*. vid. de Deer. §. 8. A. 18.
23 init Orat ii init Orat iii. 1. A. ad E. Orat. i. 10. D. de Sent D. §. 23.
Serap. i. 1. C. 16. C. ii. 1 init iii init init. S. Dionysius also uses it ibid,
iv. 8 init. Ep. ad Mon. §. 2. E. ad Epict. §. 18. A.
r
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300
Appendix.
malevolence k , which has so long been concealed, pretending to write
in their favour, while in truth it clearly appears, that he does it to
forward his own interests.
2. 2. Now the apostates are these, Arius, Achilles, Anthales, Carpones,
another Arius, and Sarmates, sometime Presbyters; Euzoius, Lucius,
Julius, Menas, Helladius, and Gaius, sometime Deacons; and with
them Secundus and Theonas, sometime called Bishops. And the
novelties they have invented and put forth contrary to the Scriptures
are these following : — God was uot always a Father 1 , but there was a
time when God was not a Father. The Word of God was not always,
but was made of things that were not : for God that is, made Him
that was not, of things that were not ; wherefore there was a time
when He was not ; for the Son is a creature and a work. Neither is
He like in substance to the Father ; neither is He the true and natural
- Word of the Father; neither is He His true Wisdom ; but He is
one of the things made and created, and is called the Word and
Wisdom by an abuse of terms, since He Himself was made by the
proper Word of God, and by the Wisdom that is in God, by which
God made not only all other things but Him also. Wherefore He
is by nature subject to change and variation, as are all rational
creatures. And the Word is foreign from the substance m of the Father,
and is alien and separate therefrom. And the Father cannot be de-
scribed by the Son, for the Word does not know the Father perfectly
and accurately, neither can He see Him perfectly. Moreover, the
Son knows not His own substance as it really is ; for He was created
for us, that God might create us by Him, as by an instrument ; and
He would not have existed, had not God wished to create us. Ac-
cordingly, when some one asked them, whether the Word of God
can possibly change as the devil changed, they were not afraid to say
that He can ; for being something made and created, His nature is
subject to change.
3. 3. Now when the Arians made these assertions, and shamelessly
avowed them, we being assembled with the Bishops of Egypt and
Libya, nearly a hundred in number, anathematized both them and
k s«x«»m«». vid. Hist Ar. $. 75. £.
de Deer. §. 1. D. et al.
1 $vk at) *arȣ. This enumeration
of Arius's tenets, and particularly the
mention of the first, corresponds to de
Deer. $. 6. Ep. Mg. §. 12. as being
taken from the Thalia. Orat. i. §. 5.
and far less with Alex. ap. Theod. p.
731, 2. vid. also Sent. D. §. 16. »««-«-
XtnfTixZt , which is found here, occurs
de Deer. §. 6. B.
m $urUv oval* r*u Xoyou or r$u ulcv is
a familiar expression with Athan. e. g.
Orat. i. 45. ii. 7. B. 9. B. 11 .B. 1 2. A . 13.
B. C. 18 init. 22. E. 47 init. 56 init. &c.
for which Alex, in Theod. uses the
word Ivceractt . e. g. rsr» iMvpieov avvtv
v*iwretctr rn% v<*trra.r\u f avvou a
yavrou' hmti^ocv rns vvorrizftvt yinvtr
h r§u ftottytfoug an»2tnynr§s uTorrarir
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Appendix. 301
their followers. But the Eusebians admitted them to communion,
bejng desirous to mingle falsehood with the truth, and impiety with
piety. But they will not be able to do so, for the truth must prevail ;
neither is there any communion of light with darkness, nor any 2 Cor.
concord of Christ with Belial 11 . For who ever heard such assertious 6 ' l4,
before ° ? or who that hears them now is not astonished and does not
stop his ears lest their filthy language should touch them ? Who that
has heard the words of John, In the beginning was the Word, will J° nn 1>
not denounce the saying of these men, that " there was a time when
He was not ?" Or who that has heard in the Gospel, the Only-begotten lb. 14.
Son, and by Him were all things made, will not detest their declara- l8,
tion that He is " one of the things that were made." For how can
He be one of those things which were made by Himself? or how can
He be the Only-begotten, when, according to them, He is counted as
one among the rest, since He is Himself a creature and a work ?
And how can He be " made of things that were not," when the Father
saith, My heart hath brought forth a good Word, and, Out of the Ps. 45,
womb I have begotten Thee before the morning star ? Or again, how 110
is He " unlike in substance to the Father," seeing He is the perfect 3.
image and brightness of the Father, and that He saith, He that hath "Hub. 1,
seen Me hath seen the Father*? And if the Son is the Word and j ohnl4
Wisdom of God, how was there u a time when He was not ?" It is the 9.
same as if they should say that God was once without Word and
without Wisdom And how is He " subject to change and variation,"
who says, by Himself, J am in the Father, and the Father in Me v ,v. 10,
and, I and the Father are one*; and by the Prophet, Behold Me", for *Jj' 10 >
J am, and I change not*? For although one may refer this expression Mai. 3,
to the Father, yet it may now be more aptly spoken of the Word, 6#
viz. that though He has been made man, He has not changed ; but
as the Apostle has said, Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to-day, Heb.13,
and for ever. And who can have persuaded them to say, that He 8,
was made for us, whereas Paul writes, for whom are all things, and lD ' 2 »l°-
by whom are all things? As to their blasphemous position that "the §• 4.
n xnoni* $*ri. This is quoted Alex,
ap. Theod. Hist i. 3. p. 738 ; by S.
Athan. in the Letter published by Maf-
fei, ed. Patav. t. 3. p. 87. It seems to
have been a received text in the contro-
versy, as the Sardican Council uses it
supr. p. 76. and S. A than, seems to put
it into the mouth of St. Anthony, Yit.
Ant. 69. A .
° vis y*i Ep. i£g* §• 7 init.
ad Epict. §. 2 init. Orat. i. 8. B. C.
Apol. contr. Ar. 85 init. Hist. Ar. §. 46
init. §. 73 init. §. 74 init. ad Scrap, iv.
2 init.
P On the concurrence of these three
texts in Athan. (though other writers
use them too, and Alex. ap. Theod. has
two of them,) vid. vol. 8. p. 229, note g.
4 iX$y»9 Mm) afQo* riv ttof. de Deer.
$. 15. Orat. i. $. 19. vid. vol. 8. p. 25,
note c. p. 208, note b.
r This text is thus applied by Athan.
Orat. i. 36. D. ii. 10. A. In the tirst of
these passages he uses the same apo-
logy, nearly in the same words, which
is contained in the text.
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302 Appendix.
Son knows not the Father perfectly," we ought not to wonder at it ;
for having once set themselves to fight against Christ, they contradict
JohnlO, even His express words, since He says, As the Father knoweth Me,
even so know I the Father. Now if the Father knows the Son hut in
part, then it is evident that the Son does not know the Father perfectly ;
hut if it is not lawful to say this, hut the Father does know the Son
perfectly, then it is evident that as the Father knows His own Word,
so also the Word knows His own Father whose Word He is.
§.5. 4. By these arguments and appeals to the sacred Scriptures we
frequently overthrew them ; hut they changed like chameleons 1 , and
again shifted their ground, striving to bring upon themselves lhat
18 °3 sen tence, when the impious falleth into the depth of evils, he is filled
with contempt. There have been many heresies before them, which,
venturing further than they ought, have fallen into folly; but these
men by endeavouring in all their positions to overthrow the Divinity
of the Word, have justified the other in comparison of themselves, as
approaching nearer to Antichrist. Wherefore they have been excom-
municated and anathematized by the Church. We grieve for their
destruction, and especially because, having once been instructed in the
doctrines of the Church, they have now fallen away. Yet we are not
2 Tim. greatly surprised ; for Hymeneus and Philetus did the same, and
2 ' before them Judas, who followed our Saviour, but afterwards became
a traitor and an apostate. And concerning these same persons, we
have not been left without instruction ; for our Lord has forewarned
Luke us; Take heed lest any man deceive you: for many shall come in
9 ' My name, saying, I am Christ, and the time draweth near, and
they shall deceive many; go ye not after them. And Paul, who was
1 Tim. taught these things by our Saviour, wrote, that in the latter times some
9 ' shall depart from the sound faith, giving heed to seducing spirits
and doctrines of devils, which reject the truth *.
§.6. 5. Since then our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ hath instructed
us by His own mouth, and also hath signified to us concerning such
men by the Apostle, we accordingly being personal witnesses of their
impiety, have anathematized, as we said, all such, and declared them
to be alien fiom the Catholic Faith and Church. And we have made
this known to your piety, dearly beloved and most honoured fellow-
ministers, in order that should any of them have the boldness 11 to come
• x«iMMXi0»rs;. vid. de Deer. §. 1. D. 3. E. Hist. Arian. §. 78 init. &c. It is
Hist Ar. §. 79. quoted without the word by Origen
1 Into this text which Athan. also contr. Cels. v. 64. but with vyitvs in
applies to the Arians, (vid. vol. 8. p. Matth. t. xiv. 16. Epiphan. has vyimt-
191, note e.) Athan. also introduces, like vwnt 3/W*«X/a<, Hser. 78. 2. uytwt
Alexander here, the word uyHunvrnsy e.g. Ztl. ibid. 23. p. 1065.
Ep. uEg. §. 20. Orat i. 8 fin. de Deer. « *p«t<n»wttnr: vid. de Deer. §. 2. B.
Digitized by Google
Appendix.
unto you, you may not receive them, nor comply with the desires of
Eusebius, or any other person writing in their behalf. For it becomes
us who are Christians to turn away from all who speak or think any
thing against Christ, as being enemies of God, and destroyers* of
souls ; and not even to bid such God speed, lest we become partakers 2 John
of their sins, as the blessed John hath charged us. Salute the 10 *
brethren that are with you. They that are with me salute you.
Presbyters of Alexandria.
6. I, Colluthus, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and §. 7.
give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in
impiety.
Alexander 1 , Presbyter, likewise
Dioscorus 1 , Presbyter, likewise
Dionysius 1 , Presbyter, likewise
Eusebius, Presbyter, likewise
Alexander, Presbyter, likewise
Nilanus*, Presbyter, likewise
Arpocration, Presbyter, likewise
Agathus, Presbyter
Nemesius, Presbyter
Longus 1 , Presbyter
Silvanus, Presbyter
Perous, Presbyter
Apis, Presbyter
Proterius, Presbyter
Paulus, Presbyter
Cyrus, Presbyter, likewise
* vid.
Pres-
byters
p. 105.
a Nila-
ras?
p. 105.
Deacons.
Ammonius 3 , Deacon, likewise
Macarius, Deacon
Pistuss, Deacon, likewise
Athanasius 3 , Deacon
Eumenes, Deacon
Apollonius*, Deacon
Olympius, Deacon
Aphthonius 3 , Deacon
Athanasius, Deacon
Macarius, Deacon, likewise
Paulus, Deacon
Petrus, Deacon
Ambytianus, Deacon
Gaius 3 , Deacon, likewise
Alexander, Deacon
Dionysius, Deacon
Agathon, Deacon
Polybius, Deacon, likewise
Theonas, Deacon
Marcus, Deacon
Comodus, Deacon
Serapion 3 , Deacon
Nilus, Deacon
Romanus, Deacon, likewise
«vicL
Pres-
byters
p. 105.
* (pfo^at vSf y]s»x£*' bat S. Alex, in
Tbeod. uses the compound word <p(t^o
« tit, p. 731. Other compound or re-
condite words (to eay nothing of the
construction of sentences) found in S.
Alexander's Letter in Theod., and un-
like the style of theCircular under review,
are such as h QtX*ws ««1 QtXityugt
stiirp*or o/mwitytt *uXXetf}*7t' itnyipvt
nm anetovQytmt' fivfm. In-
stances of theological language in S.
Alex, to which the Letter in the text
contains no resemblance are ^x»g/rr«
vr^ayfAarec Wo" i vVof rk* mark x«»t«
it lri*T£0V ax*\il*T0U mm) lfnpv%»v iua$
UXOfOf ftlWlTtfatH* $%>€it (M*&y%vH$ % vk§
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Google
304
Appendix.
Presbyters of the Mareotis.
I, Apollonius, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and
give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in
impiety.
" p. ior.
» Hera-
clius ?
p. 107.
Ingeniusi, Presbyter, likewise
Ammonius, Presbyter
Dioscorus 1 , Presbyter
Sostras, Presbyter
Theoni, Presbyter
Tyrannus, Presbyter
Copres, Presbyter
Ammonas 1 , Presbyter
Orion, Presbyter
Serenus, Presbyter
Didymus, Presbyter
Heracles*, Presbyter
Boccon 1 , Presbyter
Agathus, Presbyter
Achillas, Presbyter
Paulus, Presbyter
Thalelaeus, Presbyter
Dionysius, Presbyter, likewise
Deacons.
3 p. 107. Serapion 3 , Deacon, likewise Didymus, Deacon
Justus, Deacon, likewise Ptollarion 3 , Deacon
Didymus, Deacon Seras, Deacon
Demetrius 3 , Deacon Gaius 3 , Deacon
4 p. 107. Maurus 4 , Deacon Hierax 3 , Deacon
Alexander, Deacon Marcus, Deacon
Marcus 3 , Deacon Theonas, Deacon
Comon, Deacon Sarmaton, Deacon
Tryphon 3 , Deacon Carpbn, Deacon
Ammonius*, Deacon Zoilus, Deacon, likewise
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INDEX.
A.
Abuterius, 161.
Achillas, 29, 88, 152.
JEzanes, 182.
Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica,
some account of, 33, n. n. no friend
to the Arians, 33.
Alexander, S. Bishop of Alexandria,
21. excommunicated Arius, 139.
used Church of Theonas before it
was dedicated, 167. prays against
Arius being admitted to Communion,
212. Deposition of Arius and his
companions, &c. 297. reasons for its
being placed here, and grounds for
its being probably St. Athan.'s, ibid,
writes to his brethren exhorting them
to renounce Arian impiety, ibid,
copy of his Letter, 299. exhorts to
unity, ibid, and to have nothing to
say to Eusebius of Nicomedia, ibid,
cites the novelties of the Arians, 300.
and refutes them, 301. shews
them to be worse than all other
heretics, 302. warns them against
them as anathematized and enemies
of Christ, ibid, and 303.
Alexandria, vid. Arians. S. Athanasius.
Council. Churches. Council of Sardica.
George. Gregory. Letter. Syrianus.
Amen, 168, and n. q.
Amman, Gregory's secretary, 11.
Antichrist, his marks seen in Con-
stantius, 285. (vid. Constant i us.)
herald of the Devil, 290.
Antony Father, writes to Gregory from
the mountains, 229.
Apology of S. Athan. to Constantius,
154. its contents, ibid. (vid. S. Athan.)
for Flight, 188. its contents, ibid.
Apostolical Tradition, 50. see Tradition.
Appendix, 297.
Arians, their heresy forerunner of Anti-
christ, 124, 299. say the Word of
God is a creature, 129. substitute
a Creed for that of Nicsea, 131.
always altering their previous state-
ments, 132. hire George of Cap-
padocia to be Bishop of Alexandria,
133. their true statements only a
cloak, 134. they are Antichrists,
135. attempt to deceive as the Phari-
sees, Sadducees, and Herodians did,
ibid, they will not condemn Arius,
136, 149. nor boldly speak truth, 137.
their statements about the "Word of
God, 139, 140. in some sense Mani-
chees, 144. the very dregs of other
heresies, 146. not to be trusted be-
cause they act like Arius, 147. not
Christians, 149, 208, 232, 247, 253,
272, 276. make heathens and cate-
chumens Bishops, 178. corrupt Apo-
stolic rule, 179. prove their murder-
ous intention against S. Athan. by
persecuting the Virgins, 185. imitate
Jewish malice, 189. insincere in
charge against S. Athan. ibid, their
outrages against Bishops, 190. and
against Alexandrians, 192. their
object is to kill S. Athan. 193. are
like Babylonians, 194, 195, (conf.
p. 9.) call him a coward under a pre-
tence, 195. accuse our Lord, if him,
of cowardice, 197. act from a love
of contention, 205. employ soldiers
against S. Athan. 206. their pro-
fligate character, 207. their heresy
hateful to God, 211, 217. our Lord
Himself condemned it, 212, 213.
it is accursed and alien from the
Truth, 215. sacrifice morality and
integrity to their party, 220. spies
not Bishops, 221 , 263, 287. it is like a
wild monster on earth, and hires ex-
ternal power, 221. persecute Eusta-
thius, 222. and Eutropius, ibid, and
Marcellus, 223. banish Paul, ibid,
strangle him, and then tell a lie about
it, 224. illtreat the dead, ibid, their
heresy Jewish, 235. receive support
from eunuchs, 251. antichristian, 254.
urge on the heathens to persecute
Alexandrians, 269. act in conjunc-
tion with heathen, 270. persecute
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806
INDEX.
Alexandrians, against miraculous
judgments, 271. cause death of Eu-
tychius, 272. scourge the citizens,
273. illtreat the poor, 274. modern
Jews, ibid, heathen called them
* antichristian executioners,' ibid.
276. illtreat Presbyters and Dea-
cons, 275. worse than Gentiles, 276.
inventors of anew heresy ; inhuman,
ibid, murder Secundus, 277. con-
demned by the Ecumenical Council,
278. worse than all other heretics
because they use force, ibid, take
Constantius as their friend, 279.
worse persecutors than the heathen,
and prepare the way for Antichrist,
282. the Arian Bishops banished
by S. Alexander, get possession of
their Churches, 283. banish Bishops,
ibid, further iniquities against Laity,
Virgins, "Widows, Monks, 284. ap-
point profligate heathen youths and
catechumens and men accused of
bigamy, 285. their persecution such
as never was, 288. its name ought not
to be mentioned, 292. (conf. p. 138.)
called a strange god, ibid, how the
faithful should treat them, ibid, an
apostaey, 299. some Arian apostates,
300. their novelties about the Word,
ibid, they contradict Christ's express
words, 302. approach nearer Anti-
christ than all other heresies by
denying the Divinity of the Word,
ibid. Christ had given warning
against them, and S. Paul, ibid,
anathematized by S. Alexander,
ibid.
Arius, Bishop of Petra?, 233.
Arius, his death, 147. summoned
before Emperor Constantine, gives
an account of his faith — takes false
oath, 211. dies, 212, 265. could sup-
port his heresy ouly by patronage of
the Emperor, 278. blasphemed
openly, ibid.
Arsenius, said to be murdered by S.
A than, but still alive, 26, 26. dis-
covered in concealment, 94. writes
in submission to S. A than. 98.
Ascetics, meaning of, 22, n. b. 179.
Asclepas, some account of, 69, n. e.
clear of heresy, 74, 190.
Assemblies in Churches, when edict
came ftom the Prefect of Egypt, 4.
in order to prevent the impiety of the
Arians from mingling itself with the
faith of the Church, 5.
Athanasius, St. flies from the Church
in which he principally abode, 8.
plots of the Eusebians against him,
9, 10. appeals to the Bishops in
behalf of the Alexandrian Church,
10. another judgment demanded upon
his case although three had been
passed on it already, 14. argument
for his innocence from recantation of
Ursacius and Valens, 15. and his
enemies' confession of their calum-
nies, 16. account of his election to
the Episcopate, 21, 22. the people
rejoiced at bis return from Gaul, 24.
some account of his election, 21 , n. a.
favourable testimony of, 43. stayed
in Rome year and six months ; came
by summons, 49, and n. g. appears
against the Eusebians at Council of
Sardica, 59. makes his defence,
60. not confounded at Sardica,
63. begs Council to write to
Alexandria, 64. invited by the Em-
peror to his court, 79. goes up to
Rome, 80. received kindly by Em-
peror, 82. passing through Syria is
received by the Bishops, 85. recounts
proceedings against himseif, 87.
writes to the Emperor (Constantius),
89. appears before him, 90. sends
persons to discover Arsenius, 94.
proves accusation of murder, 95.
and that Arsenius was alive, 96.
shews the same by a letter from Con-
stantine, ib. by a letter from Arse-
nius, 98. by letter to John, 99.
commanded by Emperor to go to
Tyre, 101. proves Ischyras no Pres-
byter, 102. objects to the Commis-
sion, 103. proves the plot by letters
of the Bishops and Clergy of Egypt,
104, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12. by a letter of
Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica to
Count Dionysius, 113. by a letter of
Count Dionysius to Eusebians, 114.
repeats their proceedings against him
again, 115. goes up to the Emperor,
119. his interview, ibid, sent into
Gaul, 121. sent back by Constantine
the younger, ibid, proves murderous
spirit of Eusebians against him, 122.
and their plots again from the suf-
ferings of Liberius and Hosius,
123. writes to warn his Bishops
against certain Arians, 125. as
being deceivers, 131. as not being
needed by them, 135. because tbey
will not openly condemn Arius 136,
149. and boldly speak truth, 137.
cites the Arian statements, 138. his
reverent way, ibid, (and v. 1.) brings
proofs from Scripture against them,
141. exhorts his Bishops to make a
stand for the Faith, 150. refutes
charge of exasperating Constans
against Constantius, 155 — 158. his
travels, 158. refutes charge of writing
to the usurper, 159—165. refutes
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INDEX.
307
charge of using an ucdedicated
Church, 166-170. refutes charge ofre-
sistingEmperor'8Commands,l 71 176.
escapes from persecution of Syrianus,
176, 294. leaves Alexandria to go to
Constantius, 177. hears of the general
persecution, 178. hears of his pro-
scription, 179. was coming up still,
but turns back from the letter the
Emperor sent, 179. defends his flight,
184. expostulates with Constantius,
186. reasons for writing Apol. for
Flight, 188. defends it by Scripture
examples, 196, and 199—204. by
that of our Lord, 197. escapes ir-
ruption of Syrianus, 206. his account
of the death of Arius in letter to
Serapion, 210. not at Constantinople
when Arius died, 211. cautions him
against making his letters public,
213. sails to Borne to get Council
held, 227. comes up to Constantius,
236. and is sent home by him, ibid,
what followed on his return from
exile, 238, 9, 40. though left quite
alone, yet like Elias not forsaken,
262. withdraws from Alexandria,
263. driven from his Church by
Constantius, 283. given by God to
Alexandrians by succession ; and
sent with letters and oaths from
Constantius, 295.
B.
Balacius, Duke, 228. his sad end, 229.
Baptistery, set on fire, 6.
Basilma, (Julian's mother,) active per-
secutor of Eutropius, 223.
Beggars, 273, and n. o.
Bishops, 4. of equal authority, 45. he
should not be a stranger, 50. but
taken out of the Clergy of the Diocese,
51. against ancient usage to make a
layman a Bishop, 1 18, n. g.
Blessing, form of, (Pope's,) 58.
C.
Ctesareum, 269, and n. i.(vid. Palace,)
285.
Candles, of the Church, 7.
Candlesticks, 7.
Canons and Forms, not given to the
Churches at the present day, but
wisely transmitted to us from our
forefathers, 3. referred to, 41, 45,
49, 53, 55, 66, 249. received from
Apostles, 51. referred to, 98, and
n. u. do not permit a Bishop to
be appointed from the Court, nor
X
soldiers to invade Churches, 265.
cannot receive validity from Em-
peror, 266.
Carpones, 44.
Castrensians, meaning of, 69, n. b.
Catechumens, not present at the oblation,
49, 115. made Bishops by Arians,
177, 285.
1 Cathedra velatceS 35. ( marg. 2.)
Catholicus, 118, 163, n. m.
Cell, 48.
Chalice, 28. not really honoured by the
Arians, 35.
Chancel rails taken as spoils out of the
Church, 7, 206.
Chorepiscopi, 117, and n. e.
Christ, true God, 141. of same sub-
stance and eternity with the Father,
ibid, not another Word, and another
Wisdom, 142. not a creature, ibid,
the One Word, 144. not one among
many powers, ibid, knoweth the
Father fully, 145. the true Offspring
of the Father, ibid, (knows His own
nature, ibid.) said to be * created'
because He became man, ibid, an
Example of flight from persecution,
197. what He did in His Human
Nature applies to all men, ibid, the
Creator of times, 198. and yet had
His own time, 199.
Christians, must not allow deceivers
to speak even good words, 128.
Churches, places of assembly on fourth
day of week, 4, 268. governed by
Apostles in person, 56, n. 2. number
of in Alexandria. 167, n. p. used before
dedication, ibid. Church of Cyrinus,
227. great Church at Alexandria,
268. pillaged, 269. (vid. Heraclius.)
called * Lord's House/ 293.
Colluthus, pretended to the Episcopate,
108. his schism, 109, n. d.
Commentaries, 179, and n. x.
Commission to Mareotis of Eusebians,
accused left behind, accuser taken,
103. Presbyters and Clergy of the
city and Mareotis not admitted, 104.
Communion, to join irtndiytffitu), 147.
a communion 176.
Companies, 91.
Confessors, enter the kingdom of
heaven, 291.
Constans, 14. took part of S. Athan.
155, n. b. most religious, 235. not
a persecutor,
Constantine, Emperor, called Victor,
79, 96, 113, 114, r. 2. writes to S.
Athan. to allow all to enter the
Church, 89. condemns Ision, sum-
mons S. Athan. 90. writes to the
Alexandrians, ibid, institutes judi-
cial enquiry about Arsenius, and then
2
;
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308
INDEX.
condemns Eusebius, 94. writes to S.
A than. 96. acquits him of false accu-
sation!), 97. condemns Meletians, 98.
testifies to correctness of Arian faith,
117. orders Eusebius to come to his
court, 119. interview with S. Athan.
ibid, the barbarians had learnt to
fear God through him, 120. sends
S. Athan. into Gaul, 121.
Constantine, younger, sends back S.
Athan. 121. called 4 patron' by Eu-
sebians, 231.
Constantius, most religious, 9, 59,
131, 164, 170, 174, 185. Councils
meet by his command, 14, 59, 69.
violent and tyrannical, 123. some
account of, 154, n. a. called 4 heretic,'
208. spoken of as using violence
against Bishops, 213. begins to per-
secute, 226. returns to a right mind,
and invites S. Athan. to his court,
236. sends him safe to his Churches,
ibid, reverses what had been written
against him, 237. writes in his favour,
ibid, relapses, 243. compels Bishops
to subscribe to Arian heresy, 245.
banishes the Western Bishops, 246.
offends against ecclesiastical rule,
ibid, sends an eunuch to persuade
Liberius to subscribe, 249. Danishes
Liberius and others, 252. worse than
former persecutors, 253. summons
Hosius, 255. patron of impiety and
emperor of heresy, 260, 267. tortures
Hosius to lapse, ibid, forerunner of
Antichrist, 261. sends the Duke and
soldiers to persecute Alexandrians,
262. instigates young men against
S. Athan. 263. says he preserved
him from regard to Constans, ibid,
deposed Vetranio, 264. does not fol-
low his father, ibid, does not respect
canons, 265, 268, 288. persecuted
S. Athan. after Constans died, ibid,
gives up Alexandrian Churches to
Arians, 267. sends Heraclius against
S. Athan. ibid. (vid. Herac.) sends
Bishop with letters from himself,
268. as if Antichrist, 279. over-
throws a Council, ibid, worse than
Saul, ibid, than Ahab and Pilate,
280. ill-treatment of his own rela-
tions, ibid, some account of his con-
nections, ibid. n. d. inconstant, 282.
begins persecution in Egypt, ibid,
drove S. Athan. from his* Church,
283. called 4 Costyllius' and image
of Antichrist, 285. the marks of
Antichrist seen in him, ibid. 286,
and n. g. 287. takes eunuchs in
counsel with him, ibid, claims right
of hearing causes, ibid, accuses S.
Athan. himself, 288. lays waste
Churches, ibid, forerunner of Anti-
christ (*{ftpft0t), 289. his practices
a prelude to the coming of Anti-
christ, 292.
Constitutions of Paul, 57, and n. t.
Controller, 105, and n. a. 294.
Costyllius, a name given to Constantine,
285.
Council [of Bishops] called by Constan-
tino, 69. should be called at a dis-
tance from the court, 249. no Em-
peror should be present, no count,
no magistrate, only fear of God and
Apostolical religion, ibid, should
make enquiry first about matters of
faith, then matters of conduct, 250.
maintainers of an impious creed can
not be members, ibid, nor eunuchs,
257.
CeunetiofAleaxntdria,TZncyc[\c9\ Letter,
17. reasons for remaining silent, ibid,
answers charges of the Eusebians
against S. Athan. 19. charge of
murder repeated, 20. and of unca-
nonical election, 22. protest against
the commission (vid. Eusebians), 33.
send document to refute charges, 34.
refutes the charge about the corn,
36. exposes the Eusebians as stirring
up the Ariau fanatics, 37. and calls
upon the Bishops to avenge the in-
justice, ibid.
Council of Jerusalem, writes to the
Alexandrians, 85.
Council of Sardica, called by the Em-
perors, 59, 230. condemns Eusebius,
acquits S. Athan. 60. writes to Alex-
andria, and condemns the Arians,
allows communion with S. Athan. 61,
232. exposes the Eusebians, 62. ex-
horts to patience ; writes to the Em-
perors, 63. forbids communion with
Gregory, 64, 233. acquits some
Presbyters; writes to Bishops of
Egypt and Libya, 65, 232. Ency-
clical Letter of Council, (see Encycl.
Letter,) 69. proceedings of the Coun-
cil again given, 232, 233.
Council of Tyre, documents connected
with, 101.
Count, a, head of Council of Tyre, 102.
Court (rr{«r««&»), 100. explained,
n. z. 249, 257. (see Palace.)
Cross roads, (Canalis,) 77. and n. n.
Curtains in a Church, 269, and n. h.
D.
Dahnatius, Censor, 94. and some ac-
count of, n. s.
Danius, some account of, 39, n. b. 206.
Deacon, Athanasius a, 21, read the
Psalm, 206. called a Levite, 254.
Digitized by Google
INDEX.
309
Decurion, (see margin,) 84.
Dedication, celebrated by the Emperor,
170. by S. Alexander, ibid.
Dionysius, Count, 48, 103, 112—114.
Discernment of spirits a gift, 130.
Doff, 118, and n. h.
Ducenary, 107, n. b.
Duke, 96. origin of title, n. t. 228.
Dynamius, commander of city police,
295.
E.
Easter, 7, 166, 192.
Ecclesiastical Canons, 3. (vid. Canon.)
the Emperor cannot make, but may
break them, 246. referred to as au-
thority, 249.
Ecclesiastical Judgments, 249, 266. (vid.
Canon.)
Ecclesiasticus, contains commands of
God, 156. spoken of as a * divine
sentence,' 157. (vid. Holy Scripture.)
Egypt, for long boldly maintained the
orthodox Faith alone, 290. (conf.
p. 81.)
Emperor, the, in favour of S. Athan.
27. called ' patron' by Eusebians,
231. has no right to command-
Bishops about Ecclesiastical matters,
nor intrude at Ecclesiastical trials,
258. has no concern in Ecclesiastical
judgments, 266.
Encyclical Epistle of S. Athan. to
Egypt and Libya, 125. to his fellow-
ministers, 1. its contents, ibid.
Encyclical Letter of Counc. Sard, de-
fends S. Athan., Marcellus, and
Asclepas, against calumnies of Ari-
ans, 69. refutes their charges, 72.
clears Marcellus of heresy, 73. ac-
quits Asclepas, 74. declares S. Athan.
Marcellus, Asclepas, innocent, and
forbids eommunion with some, 75.
Subscriptions, 76.
Envy, its effects, 90, 91.
Epicritian Players, 291.
Eunuch, one sent to Liberius, 249. his
conduct upon refusal of Liberius to
submit, 250. in great numbers about
the Emperor, ibid, why they are
Arians and not admitted to a Coun-
cil, 252.
Eusebians, always supporters and as-
sociates of the impious heresy
of the Arian fanatics, 4. their
wicked calumnies against S. Atha-
nasius, 18. their last charges
against him, 19. history of their pro-
ceedings and against S. Athan. 21.
in an unlawful Council at Tyre, ibid,
saying that he was clandestinely
elected, 22. through Eusebius, 23.
by accusing him of the murder of
Arsenius, 25. who was still alive,
26. of stopping exports of corn from
Alexandria to Constantinople, 27. of
breaking a chalice, 28. violate reserve
about Sacraments, ibid, their charge
refuted, 30. to investigate same
charge send commission to Mareotis,
31. their outrages at Alexandria,
32, 33. proved inconsistent, 35. the
real cause of their enmity, 36. refuse
to come to the Pope's Council, 42.
receive excommunicated Arians to
communion, 43. act against the
Canon, 45. excuse of day, ibid,
and times not valid. 46. their letters
contradictory, 47. their proceedings
novel, and appointment of Gregory
uncanonical, 50. injuries to other
Catholic Bishops, 53. conduct against
Pope's prerogatives, 56. at Council
of Sardica, 69. retreat to Philip-
popolis, 60. calumniators, 69. will
not come to Council of Sardica, 70.
persecute Theodalus, 71. fly from
Sardica conscience-stricken, 72. ac-
cuse Marcellus falsely, 73. their
leaders prevent attendance at Coun-
cil of Sardica, 74. with Meletians
lay plot of the linen vestments, 89.
condemned, 90. plot of chalice
through Ischyras with Meletians,
92. persuade Emperor to call Coun-
cil of Tyre, 101. send commission to
Mareotis, 103. acted as unjustly as
the Jews did against S.Paul, 114. ex-
amine Catechumens and Jews about
mysteries, 115. use violence through
soldiers, 1 16. hide their records, ibid,
admit Arians to communion at Jeru-
salem, ibid, their aim to overthrow
the authority of the Council, 47.
nominate Ischyras a Bishop as a
reward, 118. some go up to the
court and invent another accusation,
121. certain of them try to deceive
Alexandrians, 130. proved to be
really Arians, 133. employ Meletians
against S. Athan. 152. charge S.
Athan. with exasperating Constans
against Constantius, 155. accuse
him to Constans, 1 58. of writing to
the usurper, 159. of using an un-
dedicated Church, 166. yet Arius
summoned to Constantinople, 211.
seek to bring him into the Church
with violence, ibid, and 212. perse-
cuted Marcellus, (vid. Marcellus,)
223. accuse S. Athan. to Emperors
Constantius and Constans, 226 — 90.
alone to Constantius, ibid, persecute,
227. decline the Council at Rome, ibid.
Digitized by
310
INDEX.
persecute through Gregory, 228.
bring a Count to Council of Sardica,
230. shut themselves up in the palace,
231. fly from the Council, 232. per-
secute at Adrianople, tyrannical to
Alexandrians, 234. plot against
Catholic legates at Antioch, 235.
f>ersuade Ursacius and Valens to re-
apse, 242. and Constantius 243.
call him king of their heresy, ibid,
they force subscription to Arian
heresy under pain of banishment, 244.
persecute Liberius, 248. persecute
Hosius, 256. persecute Alexandrians
to force them to leave S. Athan. de-
fenceless, 262. persuade the Emperor,
ibid.
Eusebian letter to Pope Julius, arro-
gant, 40. and its contents, n. c.
Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, not
appointed canonically, 23. n. e.
leader of Arians, 89. bribes Mele-
tians, threatens S. Athan. 89. plots
against him through Meletians, ibid,
often convicted by Eutropius, 222.
covets Bishopric of Constantinople,
223. defends Arius in his blasphe-
mies, 278. deserts Berytus and covets
Nicomedia, 299. takes part of Arians.
ibid.
Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, 190,
and n. a. persecuted by Arians, 222.
Eutropius, Bishop of Adrianople, per-
secuted by Arians, 222.
Eutychius, martyred, 272.
Eve, 127.
F.
Faith had not its beginning at this
time, but it came down to us from
the Lord, through His Disciples,
vid. Tradition,
Feet, washing of, 273, and n. o.
F/acillus, some account of, 39, n. b.
Flight, 201. vid. Christ. S. Athan.
Saints. Time.
Frankincense, 269. (vid. Incense.)
Friday, called ' the Preparation,' 7, 294 .
Frumentius, Bishop of Auxumis, 179.
and some account of, n. n.
G.
Gatherings, 91.
Gentiles kinder to Christians than the
Arians, 276.
George, Bishop of Laodicea, some ac-
count of, 25, n. f. hired by Arians to
be Bishop of Alexandria, 133, 181,
192. outrages against Alexandrians,
192, 193.
Gibbon, his account of S. A than. 's going
up to the Emperor, 26 . n. g.
God The Father, Arian novelties of,
300.
Godliness, wi&ua, meaning of, 23.
Gorgonius, commander of the city force
of Alexandria, 275, 295.
Gregory, comes from Cappadocia, and
what follows from his appointment,
4 — 9. sent by the Eusebians in the
place of Pistus, 9. proved to be an
Arian by his secretary Aramon, 11.
degraded at Sardica, 63. persecutes
at Alexandria, 228. his profaneness,
229. not canonically a Bishop, ibid,
and n. t. declared a Bishop by Coun-
cil of Sardica, 233.
H.
Handwriting 107, 163.
Heathen, vid. Arians. Miraculous Judg-
ments.
Helena, S. some account of, 222, n. a.
Heraclius, Count, sent against S.
Athan. 267. breaks into the great
Church, 268. causes Virgins to be
persecuted, ibid, and the Church to
be pillaged, 269. (vid. Church.) pil-
laging miraculously hindered, 270.
Heretics, deceivers like Satan, 128.
reject the Law, (vid. Law,) ibid,
quote Scripture like Satan to deceive
the simple, 129. agree to lie, 130.
with an unupright mind as a cloak,
134. cannot bear to hear the words of
holy men, 142. read but do not be-
lieve the Bible, 189. hear, but do
not see things it contains, 197. do not
understand the Gospels, ibid, perse-
cutors from example of Satan, 205.
take kings as their patrons, 243. pay
no honour to the aged, 265.
Hermetary, a rack on which Virgins
were tortured, 185.
Hilarius, a notary in company with
Syrianus, 294.
Hilary, a Deacon, 253. some account
of, n. d.
History of Arians, 217. (see Arian
History.)
Holy Communion only celebrated on
Sundays, probably in Egyptian
Churches, 29. n. k.
Holy Mysteries, how treated by Arians,
51. and n. k. and n. n. Presbyters
ministers of them, 62. (v. Presbyter.)
Holy Table treated irreverently with
Pagan Sacrifices and Blasphemies,
6. (vid. Table.)
Holy Scripture, Ecclesiasticus so called,
96, 128. most sufficient, 130. (and
ref, 3.)
Digitized by Google
INDEX.
311
Hosius persecuted by Constantius, 123,
177. praises of, 191. a Confessor,
255. persecuted by Arms, ibid, firm
against Constantius, 256. writes to
bim, ibid, warns bim against siding
with the enemies of S. Atban. 267.
and not to intrude in Ecclesiastical
matters, 268. lapses through torture,
260.
I.
Incense, 258. and n. a.
Ischyras, no Presbyter, false accuser of
S. Athan. 30. confesses himself sub-
orned to make a false statement,
34. lived in Peace of Secontaruri,
ibid. n. o. and p. 118, 48, 62, 93,
100. retracts and confesses, 93.
proved no Presbyter, 102. taken to
the Mareotis, 1 03. deposed by Hosius,
105. no Presbyter, and never had a
Church, 108, 118. seven persons in
his congregation, 110, 112. 118.
J.
Jews take part with the heathen against
the Church, 5.
Job, a man of mighty fortitude, 200.
his wife, 127.
John, a Meletian, conduct of him and
his partisans, 34.
Judaism brought in by Arians, 141.
Julius, S. Bishop of Rome, 16. his letter
to the Eusebians at Antioch, 39.
blames their letter, 40. invites them
to a revision of their decision, 41.
blames them for refusing a Coun-
cil, 42. for dishonouring Councils,
43. for ordaining Arians, 44. his
sentiments those of all, 46. gives
reasons for admitting S. Athan.
47. by refuting their charges, (vid.
Eusebians, pp, 22 — 28.) by their un-
canonical appointment of Gregory,
50,51. and proceedings in the Mare-
otis, 62. acquits Marcellus, ibid, but
see n. 1. exhorts them to peace, 63.
for the welfare of the Church, 54.
or they must prove their charges, 55.
and not act any longer against his
prerogative, 56. and excite God's
wrath, 57- blesses them, 58. writes
to Alexandrians, 81. invites Euse-
bians to a Council, 227.
K.
Keepers of idol temples, 9, 267, 268.
L.
Laity, 50. forty of them banished, 284.
Laws, ecclesiastical different to civil,
98.
Law, if you reject it, you reject the
Gospel, 128. Heretics reject it, ibid.
Legates, sending of, recognised by
Council of Sardica, 39, n. a. repre-
sent the Ecclesiastical Supremacy,
76. (vid. Supremacy.)
Lent, 7, 166, 192.
Letter of Alexander to S. Athan. 95.
of Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica
to Count Dionysius, 113. of Alex-
andrian Clergy to the Commission,
104. of Arsenius to S. Athan. 98.
of Clergy of Mareotis to the Council
of Tyre, 105. of the Clergy of Mare-
otis to the Controller, &c. 107. of
Communion, {liter a format ce^) 8, 99.
Emperor cannot send them, 221, 268.
of Constantine to Alexandrians, 90.
of Constantino the younger to Church
of Alexandria, 121. of Constantine to
Council of Tyre, 119. of Constan-
tine to John, 96. (part of) of Con-
stantine to S. Atban. 89. (2) of Con-
stantine to S. Athan. 96. acquits him
of charge of murder, and breaking a
Chalice, 97. condemns the Mele-
tians, 98. of Constantius to all Ca-
tholic Bishops, 82. of Constantius to
the Alexandrians, 84, 180. of Con-
stantius to the Princes of Auxumis,
182. of Constantius to S. Athan.
174. of Council of Jerusalem to
Alexandrians, 85. of Council of Jeru-
salem to Alexandrian Church, 116.
of Council of Sardica to Alexandria,
(vld.Council of Sardica,) 60. of Council
of Sardica to Bishops of Egypt and
Libya refutes the charces against
S. Athan. 65. of Count Dionysius to
Eusebians, 114. of Egyptian Bishops
at Tyre to Council of Tyre, 109. the
same to Count Flavius Dionysius,
111. second of the same to the same,
112. Encyclical, of Council of Sar-
dica, (vid. Council of Sardica,) 69.
Encyclical, to Egypt and Libya, 125.
of Hosius to Constantius, 256. of
Pope Julius to Alexandrians, re-
joices with them that their prayers
are heard, and S. Athan. returned
to them, 81, 82. of Receiver- General,
118. of S. Athan. to Serapion, 210.
of Ursacius and Valens to Pope
Julius, 86. and n. q. and to S. Athan,
87.
Levite, history of, in Book of Judges
not so bad as the sufferings of the
Church, 2.
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312
INDEX.
IAberiua banished by Constantius, 123,
177. bis answer to the Eunuch, 249.
what followed at Rome, 251. his
speech to the Emperor, 252. sends
letters to Emperor to no purpose,
253. lapses, 254.
Lord, (xu^f,) title of the Pope, 86.
title of a Bishop, 87, 93, 96, 110,
113. r. 2. 3irr#cjr, 95, 113, 121.
Lord's Day, 192.
Lucius, Bishop of Adrianople, banished
by Arians, 234.
M.
Macarius falsely accused of breaking a
chalice, 28, 90, 93. sent as prisoner
to Corea, Tyre, 101. kept under a
guard of soldiers, 103. at Constan-
tinople when Ariu8 dies, 21 1, 221.
Magistrates attend to civil causes only,
64. and n. c.
Magnentius, 160, 172.
Manichees shew no mercy, 274.
Marcellus Bishop, favourable testimony
of, 43. confesses orthodoxy before
Pope Julius, 52. (but see n. 1.)
Bishop of Ancyro-Galatia, 69. his
book not heretical, 73. persecuted
by Arians, 223.
Mareotis, some account of, 34. n. o.
Martyrdom, to make a stand for the
Faith, 150.
Martyry of the Saviour, 116. of Saint
Peter, 250. and n. c.
Master (of the camp), 163. n. m. 2.
4 Master of the Palace,' 167. and n. d.
163. and n. m. 3.
Maximian grandfather of Constantius,
276.
Mechir, February in Egyptian calendar,
294, 296.
Mendicants, 228, and n. a.
Meletians, false accusers of S. A than.
27. schismatics since days of S.
Peter, 29, 38. received into the
Church again, 38. plot with Euse-
bians against S. Athan. 89. conspire
with Eusebians in Corea, Tyre,
against S. Athan. 101. join Arian
fanatics against S. Athan. 151. em-
ployed by Eusebians against him, 152.
bow easily they became Arians, 289.
look upon the Clergy as a civil
senate, 290. introduced Arian heresy
into Egypt, ibid.
Meletius Bishop, some account of, 29.
n. i. deposed, and made a schism,
88. and n. r.
Miraculous judgments, Arians do not
regard them, 271. vid. Heraclius.
Monastery 96. fitw^rv^t*, 284.
Monks, 6, 179, 284.
Montanus, brings S. Athan. a letter
from the Emperor, 171.
N.
Nestorius, 84.
Niceea, Council of, S. Athan. present at,
21. Chrestus appointed, 24. number
of Canons, 41. n. d. number present,
43. n. e.
Notary, 173. and n. s.
O.
Oblation, not offered in presence of
Catechumens, 49.
Official agents, 163. and n. m. 4.
Oil in stores in the Church, 7.
Order-books, 84.
P.
Phamo, mines of, 272.
Palace, 231. explained, n. b. 249.
Palm tree, scourges made of, 284.
Patrician, 108. and n. c.
Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, mar-
tyred by Arians, 223.
Peace given to the Church by oar
Lord, broken by schism, 53.
Pentecost, 192.
Persecution from the devil, 205. Arian
under Constantino, 219. first Arian
under Constantius, 226. Arian after
Sardica, 233. second Arian under
Constantius, 241. cannot influence
the will, 246, 246, 264. of Liberius,
248. causes truth to spread, 247 and
253. at Alexandria, 262. in Egypt,
276. in time of Maximian, ibid, the
early theory of, 279. n. c.
Petra, 233. and n. c.
Phihgrius, Prefect of Egypt, 6. the
way in which he took part with
Gregory, 4, 6. called the Governor,
7, 31, 224. sent out as Prefect of
Egypt, 226, 228. assists Arians to
persecute, 233.
Philip, Prefect, agent in murder of
Paul, 224.
Pistus, sent by the Eusebians to be
Bishop of Alexandria before Gregory,
and excommunicated, 9. and 37.
ordained by Secundus, 44.
Pope, 39. (see Julius.) his preroga-
tive, 66. nn. q. and s. receives from
S. Peter, 67. and n. u. and h. 249
and 261. ref. 2. called * brother,' and
1 fellow-Bishop,' 61. other Bishops so
called, 93, 96, 98.
Digitized by Google
INDEX.
813
Porphyriam ; Allans bo called by Con-
8tantius, 264, and n. o.
Post, 60. explained n. h. 133, 236.
Potamo, Egyptian Bishop, at Council
of Tyre, 26, n. e.
Prayer in an undedicated Church, 167.
better with many than separately,
168. and in a building than a desert,
169.
Prefect of Egypt puts forth a public
letter, haying form of an Edict, 4.
uses violence in Commission to the
Mareotis, 106, 7. v. Philagrius.
Prepay at ion, the, (and vid. n. i.) 7,
294.
Prerogative, Pope's, 66. and n. q. and
s. and p. 67. of Church of Rome,
80, n. p.
Presbyter, 4, Presbyters sent into
foreign countries to hear appeals, 39,
and n. a. ministers of holy Mysteries,
62.
Prophets, false, Christians warned
against, 126.
Protest, the second of the Alexandrians,
293.
Provinces, 184, and n. z.
Psalter, 7.
Public conveyance, 100, and n. y.
Q.
Qutestor of the City, 171, and n. r.
R.
Receiver-general, 32, 118, 163, n. m.
268, 269.
Reserve, why necessary now, 28, n. k.
Retractation of Ureacius and Valens,
36, and n. q. 239.
Romania, 248, and n. b.
Rome, 14. an Apostolical Throne, 248,
and n. a.
Rowers under command, 91.
Rule, apostolical, 67, 179, 246, 249. v.
Tradition, and Canon.
S.
Sacred Catalogue, 83. (and see margin.)
Saints, an example of flight from per-
sedition, 196. spoke our Lord's com-
mands before He came, ibid, their
conduct like our Lord's in fleeing,
197. sacred writers so called, 128,
and 198. acted like our Lord in
waiting their time, 199. before and
after His coming under His teaching,
ibid, their flight not cowardice, but
fortitude, 200. examples of great
fortitude, 202. their flight neither
blameable nor unprofitable, 203. pre-
served in it for need of others, 204.
Sardica, 14, 66, &c. 230, &c.
Satan attempting to appear holy is
detected by Christians as by Christ,
127.
Scripture, 128. (v. Holy Scripture.)
Seats in a Church, 269.
Secundus, Bishop, Arian, 44.
Presbyter at Barea martyred
by Arians, 277.
Serapion, S. some account of, 210, 224.
Separatum, time of, 268, ref. 6.
Sick persons refuse the ministrations of
the Arian heretics, 9.
Soldiers employed at the Council of
Tyre, 102. sent with Gregory, 226.
employed at Councils by Eusebians,
227.
Subintroducta, 241 , n. a.
Subscriptions to Enoycl. Lett. Couno.
Sard. 76, and n. 1. (v. Enoycl. Lett.)
doubt about number, 78, n. o. of
Presbyters of Alexandria to depo-
tion of S. Alexander, (v. Alexander,
S.) 303. and of Deacons, ibid, and of
Presbyters and Deacons of Mareotis,
304.
Sums laid up in the Church by indi-
viduals, 7.
Supremacy, 67, and n. o. civil and
ecclesiastical, 76, n. m. 80, n. p.
Syrianus, general, comes to Alexan-
dria, 173. enters the Church with
soldiers, 176, 206. accused to the
Emperor of his violence by the
Alexandrians, 293. account Alex-
andrians gave of his violence, 294,
296.
T.
Table, Holy, 6. made of wood, 269.
and n. g.
Theodorus, some account of, 39. n. b.
Theognius, some account of, 23. n. d.
and 39. n. b.
Throne in a Church, 269.
Time, our Lord's creation of it, 198.
appointed for all men, ibid, for
flight, 199. for staying, 200.
Trades, Xtyarim, 33, 268. n. e.
Tradition, Apostolical, 60. of the Fa-
thers, 67. synonymous with ' Canon/
239. n. b. derived from the Fathers
and Apostle Peter, 249. none to
allow soldiers and eunuchs authority
in Church matters, 266. (v. Canon.)
Translation, some account of the law-
fulness of, 23. n. c.
314
INDEX.
u.
Unity to be preserved in peace, (App.
299.)
Ursacius and Valens, 14, 90. penitent to
Rome and retract, 86. and 122, and
n. 1., and 239. write to S. Athan. 87.
and 239. not forced to retract, 29.
Usurper (Magnentius), 159, and n. i.
V.
Valens, 14. v. Ursacius.
Veils worn by virgins, 7. v. 3. 167.
and n. e. 268.
Vestments, linen, 89. and marg.
Vetranio deposed by Constantius, 264.
and n. a. (v. Constantius.)
Vigil, 176. kept in the Church, 294.
Viminacium, town where S. Athan.
saw Constantius, 159.
Virgins in the Church at Alexandria
persecuted, 6, and 192, and 268.
their veils, 7. consecrated to God,
and called 1 brides of Christ/ 185.
scourged by Arians, 284. those mur-
dered by Syrians attained the glory
of martyrdom, 294.
Volumes containing Holy Scripture,
158. and n. f. wvxrta.
W.
Widows beaten and trampled under
foot, 6, 228. clergy took care of
them, 274. scourged on the soles of
their feet, 284.
Wine in the Church in large quan-
tities, 7.
Word of God, Arian novelties con-
cerning, (App. 300.)
Writers (like an amanuesis), 164. and
n. o.
Digitized by Google
INDEX OF TEXTS.
GENESIS.
iv. 12. erivm xmi rfiftvt.
Sept.
xxv. 8.
xxvii. 12.
xxxi. 2.
xlii. 21.
EXODUS.
iii. 10.
xv. 9.
xx. 13.
xxi. 13.
xxiii. 1» Sept.
DEUTERONOMY,
vi. 16.
JOSHUA,
vii. 20, &c.
JUDGES.
xix. 19.
in.
xii.
XV.
xvii.
xxi.
xxii.
xx vi.
1 SAMUEL.
6.
5.
2.
13.
9.
9.
10, 11.
21.
1 161
S 224
198
199
165
ib.
201
205
184
196
172
207
137
200
156, 159
137
194
195
172
246
200
16
2 SAMUEL,
xii. 14, &c.
1 KINGS.
xxi.
2 KINGS.
i. 10.
xvii. 9. Sept.
EZRA.
JOB.
v. 26.
xviii. 5.
xl. 24. Sept.
xii. 4. Sept.
PSALMS.
xxvii. 1.
xxxi. 7, 8.
15.
24.
xxxiii. 6.
xxxvii. 40.
xl. 1.
xliv. 20.
xlv. 1.
1. 3.
16.
liii. 1.
liv. 7.
179
172
162
170
198
147
127
128
208
209
200
204
142
204
ib.
292
202, 301
202
128
146
203
r
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316
INDEX OF TEXTS.
hi. 11.
lvii. 3.
lxix. 86.
lxxiv. 6.
xciv. 11.
ci» 6.
oii. 23. Sept.
24.
ex. 3.
oxTi. 16, Sec.
exxxvi. 1.
exxxix. 6.
203
ib.
194
246
136
169, 172
198
ib.
301
146
206
216
PROVERBS.
viii. 22.
146
x. 12.
273
LOJi
27.
198
xii 6.
136
6.
ib.
xiii. 3. Sept
201
xiv. 16.
129
XV. 1.
187
13.
166
28.
136
xvi. 13. 164,
177, 187
xviii. 3.
302
J/, 1UO
xx. 13. Sept
173
28.
164
xxv. 2.
216
7.
106
8.
169
is!
166
xxviii. 28. Sept
286
xxix. 12.
281
xxx. 8.
172
16.
277
ECCLESIASTES.
iii. 2.
198
v. 8,9.
204
vii. 17.
198
23, 24.
216
26.
ib.
ix. 12.
199
x. 20.
167
CANTICLES.
v. 2.
246
ISAIAH.
v. 20.
206, 220
ix. 6.
197
x. 14.
127
xiv. 14.
27.
xxvi. 20.
29.
xxxii. 6.
xlvii. 6.
1. 6.
lit 11.
JEREMIAH.
ii. 12.
. 30.
2.
v.
ix.
xiv. 10.
xvii. 11.
xxii. 10.
EZEKIEL.
xi. 13.
xxxiv. 2, &c.
DANIEL.
vii. 6, 7.
ix. 27.
JOEL.
i. 7. Sept
ii. 17.
26.
ESDRAS.
iv. 41.
TOBIT.
iv. 18.
xii. 7.
127
148, 217
263
186, 204
168
194
264
148, 292
260
ib.
114
132
246
19
260
177
221
288
166
290
140
164
169
28
WISDOM OF SOLOMON,
i. 11. 17, 169
ECCLESIASTICUS.
vii. 6.
xv. 9.
xxx. 4.
166
128
95
)igitWd b.
INDEX OF TEXTS.
317
S. MATTHEW.
11. 13.
1 r\tm
197
111. o.
301
iv. 7»
207
10.
128
v. 10.
202
1 K
ID.
145
36.
199
vi. 6.
168
vii. 6.
28
15.
128
viii. 29.
128, 142
x. 22.
63, 67
23.
8, 190
39.
199
xi. y.
144
xiv. 3.
197
xv. 4.
189
xvi. 16.
251
24.
245, 273
xvii. 5.
142, 143
xviii. 18.
213
19.
3, 108
OA
23
xix. 6.
200
2y.
215
xxii. 21.
258
29.
135
xxiv. 15.
190
24.
129
24, 25.
126
xxv. 35, 40.
273
45.
228
xxvi. 4.
198
45.
S. MARK.
i. 24.
IOQ t AO
S. LUKE.
iv. 3.
142
30.
iy7> i****
xii. 20.
33.
xvi. 8.
147
xviii. 2.
OCR
xxi. 8.
1 e%£t ono
lzo, 0U2
S.
JOHN.
i. i.
141
, 145, 301
3.
142,
143 twice
14.
135
, 146, 301
45.
129
ii. 4.
198
21.
188
Hi. 17.
126
v. 17.
39.
46.
vi. 46.
67.
68.
vii. 6.
30.
viii. 5.
42.
44.
58, 59.
x. 15.
30.
xi. 53, 54.
xiv. 6.
9.
10.
xvi. 28. nxm A than.
xvii. 1.
xviii. 4, 5.
19.
ACTS.
vin.
i. 18.
v. 6, 10.
\ 4.
27.
ix. 5.
xx. 29.
xxi. 15.
xxiii. 11.
xxiv. 18, 19.
xxv. 16.
ROMANS.
i. 2.
25.
v. 4.
viii. 35.
35, 37.
xi. 33.
xv. 19.
145
129
ib.
144
273
205
198
ib.
129
135
195
197
145, 302
141, 301
197
164, 171
141, 301
143, 301
135
199
199
187
245
147, 212
212
247
251
262
76
223
201
114
ib.
129
129, 141
204
149, 220
203
215
1 CORINTHIANS.
i. 24.
ii. 9.
v. 13.
vi. 10.
vii. 27.
xiv. 33.
xv. 32.
xvi. 22.
144
82
37
188
23
54
291
218
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318
INDEX OF TEXTS.
2 CORINTHIANS.
i. 23.
ii. 11.
vi. 14, 15.
x. 15.
xii. 4.
GALATIANS.
i. 8, 9.
9.
v. 13.
156
127
76, 301
23
203
127
75
149
PHILIPPIANS.
i. 12.
ii. 9.
247
128
2 THESSALONIANS.
ii. 289, 290, 292
1 TIMOTHY.
i. 18.
19.
iii. 2.
iv. 1.
6.
14.
vi. 6.
278
150
179, 221. 222
149, 151, 302
202
177
23
2 TIMOTHY.
ii. 17.
iii. 11.
12.
iv. 7.
131, 302 !
203
149, 204
153
TITUS,
i. 14. 149
HEBREWS.
i. 3. 141, 301
ii. 10. 143, 301
ix. 27. 212
xi. 37, 38. 200
xii. 1. 204
xiii. 8. 301
JAMES.
i. 12.
1 PETER.
v. 8.
2 PETER.
ii. 22.
iv. 1.
v. 20.
1 JOHN.
2 JOHN.
153
88, 242
128
141
10.
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INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
iya**, ctyarav, 60, 230.
aytvTtrfyif&auf , 163.
ayia, 128.
iyt^aTot, 268, 271.
itut. 268.
uKifatot, 299.
«x«i>, ib.
»zateuttjT«t , 148.
uXfifalett Xoy«t, 59.
«X\«'r^i« r«» ofyettatt, 213.
«X«y.'«, dxtytms, 144, 265. vid. 301,
n.q,
dvtoffta, 2.
anTJan, 223, 239.
•MgA«r , 228, 273.
atfy*>To<r*0tit f 144.
CC90fAOg , 290.
dvrtxiifiUos , 292.
avrixprref, 274.
57.
Airfiufy, 151.
&*i»ms, 222, 236.
»ttakv9tt t 268.
ecguefiattrai, 4, 43.
2 12.
275.
255, 284.
139.
*ZX lx i wt«, 9 1 .
«Vi£i/«, *<ri/3^, 261, 270, 273, 275.
&*xn<ri S , 239.
ezQogph, 217.
ymW*/, 140.
ywtjr*;, yttvtifnw, 139, 217.
y«>iu?, 238.
Wririif, 95, 121.
flOV, 1 13.
*4uw, 228, 247, 271, 274.
?»»/<*/«^>'?f*'«/, 139.
h*(Zo\ei, 160, 169.
2<«r«^jf, 146.
Itaralyt rei* etvorrJkatt, 57, 149.
tityvtcttot, 28.5.
?t*r«/3**. 7, 270.
i7*<>f, 145.
\xx\nfftatrrixbs, 278.
ixrma/ ftattcu, 248, 2.55.
Ww, 109.
283.
Itraxovut, 122.
2«-iW, 129. 139, 143.
\(>yci elect, 33, 268.
liyasnjgMir, 213.
f<rr*>, 221,282.
lTat£OTgoQot , 236.
thyn^iritret , 191.
tut0U%at, 250.
*M|3ii*, 3, 23, 35, 261, 290.
"*n, 82.
I^«ff. 262.
(ZdXXtrai, 126.
/3nX«», 157.
/W*'*, 107.
i5**, 135.
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320
INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
#•^•,211,870.
t%op.*%*t, *35.
$%§fM9nr§$ t 217.
Iwwyfc, 211.
^fM/MV, 120.
/X«**'«t , 250.
ft*«, 139.
<%«T«t , 213, 218.
lumrtif, 212.
;»«»>», 292. vid. also 299, n. d.
lr%u**t. 44.
Pit***** 290.
^vrw, /Mt^m^tj 216, 282.
•*Ai*e«, 182.
^,,211,297.
io%t7rftu rag IsafbXai i<r), 266.
♦Mr*, 228. 245.
•vrm. 140,300.
ty/«X^/«, 223, 299.
180.
»al«Xj»«f, 163.
179, 294.
300.
77. vid. Preface, p. xxviii.
m*t«9trfii*M, 55.
«»r«££if0-rj*«r, 300.
««r«V««<r«, 221, 259, 263.
xikiurcu, 59.
»l>Ju«», 48.
Wiif ( 49, 62, 70, 212, 242.
*xS ff *< 37, 283.
«f«ra?r« vUrtf, 183.
»fu'rr«», 182, 183.
»t/£/«*«y, 293
mums, B5, 86, 87, 93, 95.
113, 239, 240.
xt/£*rsu } Hvpt, 60, 266.
•toAariM, 89.
240.
«-«;«£«r*f , 226.
<r*f*3#c«r#f, 221.
c«{«W/f, 249.
T*l<i *fif, 290, 299.
r«f 60.
ra^eufflet It 196.
wetpuftt, 297.
var*^ r£» ir/rxtfr*^, 230.
+t£i&9fillut i 159.
vgfifiggsw. 227, 235.
w$tnft»i 139.
+£e*i{Wfy 238.
we&pift, 289, 299.
wptrp^xftti*, 41, 54.
TpftefAla, 45, 227.
«•£*«•/»»/», 30.
w^M'rarnf , 226.
mm, 158.
X«rfi/«, 120.
X«y/rT«, 171.
X^y^ir^ 163.
xVy« dXtittiat, 59.
pti/xarff, 299.
/Ar«, 221, -99.
ffaravixot, 273.
enptTn, 217, 270.
m££», 250.
payirrps , 163. ^
tJfun. 148, 152, 159, 160, 161,
162, 185.
8, 148. 151, 152, 255, 278. ,
fMtPTV^Of 150. *T£i(lt\9S 6.
fu»pi,»xi*, 41 , 55, 56, 99. riAAi<«Sgy*» 1,17, 299.
ffwrnpot, 284. rw«>W**, 39, 147, 158,
^•w, 50, 96, 229. #wi<V«*r«<, 241.
ffTt%ec£tev, 89.
^«tu>«#, 275, 295.
*r£KTi»rtif , 295.
rr£«rArifcf , 59, 100, 120, 158, 257.
rrgof&tXts 6.
176.
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INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
321
rtftZv, 40.
rig y«t %*9tm } 301.
ring vHs mrmfawg, 202.
r^tvrcf, 89.
vytmnv** wUrtg, 214, 302.
&r«}|»rftf , 286.
vx»x^efjL%U( ,211.
Mmns , 300.
f AW, 220.
0,A.jjW, 252.
X *pa), 181.
^^OiXimK, 302.
*i) e , 107, 163.
Xpurfavt, 86.
#e<rw>«**, 89, 124, 132.
a.
15,266.
FINIS.
BAXTER, PRINTER, OXFORD.
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MiPADiUQ q Wnrlr , fOW Translation revised by Rev. C. Marriott, MJ.
MACAR1US, S Works { FeUow of OrieL
OPTATUS, S On the Donatist Schism Rev. F. W. Faber, M.A. Fellow of University.
ORIGEN Against Celsus Rev. T. Mozley, M A. late Fellow of Oriel.
TERTULLI AN Works Rev. C. Dodgson, M.J. late Student of Ch. Ch.
THEODORET, &c Ecclesiastical History Rev. C. Marriott, M.J. Fellow of Oriel.
C °andDia?o^nes f } Rev ' R ' Scott * MA ' FelUnV ° J BalUoi '
MISCELLANIES St. Clement of Alex. "Qois-j
d!ves salvetnr?"
Diognetom; Tracts c
oolytn*.
S. Basil and S.Ambrose, Hex--)
aemeron, S. Grsg. Nyss. de/
Horn. Opificio. Nemesios and I Rev. E. Marshall, M.A. late Fellow of C.C.C.
Meletius de Nat. Horn. Theo-f W. A. GreenhiU, M.D. Trin. Coll.
doret de Providentia. Lactan- \
tins de Opif. Dei. J
. "Qois-v
Ep. adl
s of Hip j
%* This list was never meant to be final, and it has been, from time to time, enlarged. It migit
then save waste of labour, if persons contemplating the translation of works, not set down, woi$
enquire of the Editors, whether they are included in the plan.
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Dixon, Rev. I. I. Abram, Manchester
Dixon, Rev. James, Sheffield
Dixon, Rev. Robert, King Wm. Coll.
Isle of Man
•Dobson, — Esq. Liverpool
Dodd, Rev. W. Newcastle-on-Tyne
•Dodgson, Rev. C. Croft, Yorkshire
Dodson, Rev. J as. Lichfield
•Dodsworth, Rev. William
tDonkin, W. F. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Donne, Rev. Jas. Bedford
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Dornford, Rev. J. Plymtree, Devon
Douglas, Rev. H. Whickham, Durham
•Dowding, Rev. B. C. Devizes
Downes, Rev. J.
Drummond, Henry, Esq. Albury Park,
Guildford
Drummond, Rev. Arthur, Charlton
Druramond, Rev. Spencer R. Brighton
Drummond, Rev. K. Feering
Drummond, Colonel, Bath
Drury, Rev. H. J. Worcester Coll.
Dry, Rev. Thos. Forest, Walthamstead
Duffield, Rev. R. Frating, near
Colchester
•Dugard, Rev. Geo. Manchester
tDukes, R. M. Esq. Lincoln Coll.
Dundas, Wm. Pitt, Esq. Edinburgh
tDunn, John, Esq. Advocate, Aberdeen
Dunn, Rev. John
Dunraven, Earl of,
•Dunster, Rev. Mr. Tottenham
Durnford, Rev. Francis, Eton College
Dyer, Rev. J. H. Waltham, Essex
♦Dyke, Rev. Henry, Cottisford, Oxon.
Dymock, Rev. J. Rector of Roughton
•Dyraock, Rev. W. G. Hatch Beau-
champ, Ilminster
Dyne, Rev. J. B. Highgate
•Dyson, Rev. C. Dogmersfield
Dyson, Rev. F. Tidworth
East, E. Esq. Magdalen Hall
Eaton and Sons, Booksellers, Worcester
Eaton, W. Esq. Weston, Whitwell, York
Eden, Rev. R. Rochford, Leigh, Essex
Edge, Rev. W. J. Waldringfield, Wood-
bridge
Edgell, Rev. E. East Hill, Frome
Edinburgh, University of
Edmonstone, Sir Archibald, Bart.
Edmonstone, Rev. C. St. Mary's Marl-
borough, Wilts
•Edwards, Rev. A. Magd. Coll.
•Edwards, Rev. J. Newington
Eedle, Rev. Edward Brested, Bognor
V
Eland, Rev. H. G. Bedminster, Bristol
Elder, Rev. Edward, Balliol Coll
Eldridge, Rev. J.A .Bridlington.Yorkshire
Eley, Rev. H. Aldham, Essex
tElliott, C. J. Esq. St John's Coll.
Ellis, Mr. Kitson
Ellison,Rev.N.T.Huntspill,Bridgewater
Ellon Episcopal Chapel Library
•Ellon, Rev. Mr. G. N. B.
Elmhirst, Rev. Edw. Shawell Rectory,
Lutterworth
Elwes, C. C. Esq. Bath
Elwes, J. M. Esq.
Elphin, Ven. Archdeacon of, Ardcarnes
Boyle, Ireland
Elton, A. Esq. Clevedon
Emmanuel College Library, Cambridge
•Erskine, Hon. and Rev. H. D. Swith
land, Leicestershire
Estcourt, T. G. Bucknall, Esq. M.P.
Estcourt, Gloucestershire
Estcourt, Rev. E. E. Cirencester
Ethelston, Rev. C. W. Uplyme, Lyme
Regis
Etough, Rev. Dr. Claydon, Ipswich
•Evans, Herbert N. M.D. Hampstead
Evans, Rev. E. C. Sugham
Evans, Rev. Thomas, Gloucester
Evans, Rev. W. Burl ton Court
•Evans, Rev. T. S. Brompton
•Evans, Rev. A. B. D.D. Market Bos-
worth, Leicestershire
Evetts, T. Esq. C. C. C.
Exeter, Very Rev. The Dean of
Ewing, Rev. W. Lincoln Coll.
•Faber, Rev. F. W. Eltou Rectory,
Stilton
Faber, Rev. J. C. Cricklade, Hindon,
Wilts
Falcon, Rev. Wm. Buxted, Sussex
Fallow, Rev. T. M.
•Farebrother, Rev. Thomas, Aston,
Birmingham
Farnworth, Mr.
•Farrer, James William, Esq.
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Fawkes, Mrs. the Terrace, Putney
Faulkner, Mr. Bookseller, Doncaster
Fawcett, Rev. J as. Leeds
Fearon, Rev. D. R.
Felix, Rev. Peter
Fellowes, Rev. C. Shottesham, Norfolk
Fellows, Mrs. Money Hill House,
Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire
Fenton, Rev. G. L. Lilleshall, Shiffnal,
Salop, (Augtistine)
Fenwick, Rev. M. J. Donegal
•Fessey, Rev. G. F, Tardebigg, Worces-
tershire
Few, Robert, Esq.
Fielding, Rev. H. near Horncastle
Finch, Miss C.
Fisher, Rev. A. Bridport
♦Fisher, Rev. W. A. Hilmore, Cork
Fitzgerald, Rev. A. Carlow
Fitzgerald, C. R. Esq.
Fitzherbert, Rev. Alleyne, Ashbourn,
Derbyshire
Fitzroy, Rev. August. Fakenham, Suffolk
Fleming, J. Esq. St. John's Coll. Camb.
Fletcher, Rev. C. Southwell
Fletcher, Sir Henry, Bart. Ashley Park,
Walton on Thames
•Fletcher, Rev. W. K. Bombay
Floyer, Rev. T. B. Oldershaw, Lichfield
Forbes, the Hon. Walter, Lord Forbes,
residing at Castle Forbes, N. B.
Ford, Rev. J. Bailey, near Exeter
Ford, Wm. Esq.
•Ford, Mr. Bookseller, Islington
Forester, Hon. and Rev. Orlando,
Brazeley, ShifTnoll
•Formby, Rev. R. Brasenose Col).
Forster, Rev. H. B. Stratton, Cirencester
♦Forsyth, Dr. Aberdeen
Fortescue, Rev. R. H. Revelstock, Devon
Foskett, Rev. T. M. Enfield, Middlesex
Foster, Rev. J. Great Haseley
Foulkes, Rev. H. P. Balliol Coll.
Fowler, Rev. H. Liskeard, Cornwall
Fox, Rev. Charles, Bridport
Fox, Mr.
Fraser, Rev. Robert, St. Stephen's,
Canterbury
Freeland, F. E. Esq. Chichester
Freeman, Rev. H. Peterboro'
Freith, F. H. Esq. Univ. Coil. Durham
Froude, Ve n .R . H . A rchd eacon of Totness
•Froude, Wm. Esq. Bristol
Fulford, Rev. F. Croydon, Arlington,
Camb.
Fulford, Rev. J. Exeter Coll.
•Furlong, Rev. C. J. Warfield, Berks
Fursdon,Mrs. FursdonHouse.near Exeter
•Gace, Rev.FrederickAubert,Magdalen
Hall
•Garden, Rev. Francis
Gardner, Rev. W. Rochford, Essex
Garratt, John, Esq. jun. Farringdon
House, near Exeter
Gathercole, Rev. M. A. North Brixton
•Gaunt, Rev. C. Isfield, near Uckfield
Gaye, Rev. C. H.
•Gayfere, Rev. Thomas, Bradford
•Gawthern, Rev. Francis Seeker, Exeter
Coll.
George, Henry, Bookseller, Westerham,
Kent
•Gepp, Rev. Geo. Edw. Ashbourn
Germon, Rev. Nicholas, St. Peter's,
Manchester
Gibbings, Rev. Rich.Trin. Coll. Dublin
•Gibson, J. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb.
•Gibson, Rev. W. Fawley
Gifford, Wm. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Gilbertson, Rev. L. Llangorwen, near
Aberystwith
Gillet, Rev. G. E.
Gladstone, Rev. John, Liverpool
Gladstone, John, Esq. Fasque, Fetter-
cairne, Kincardineshire
Gladstone, William Ewart, Esq. M.P.
Ch. Ch. 2 copies
Gladwin, Rev. C. Liverpool ^
Glanville, Rev. Edward F. Wheatfield
Rectory, Tets worth
Glasgow, University of,
•Glencross, Rev. J. Balliol College
♦Glenie, Rev. J. M. St. Mary Hall
Glossop, Rev. Hen. Vicar of Isleworth
Glover, Rev. F. A. Dover
Glynne, Rev. H. Hawarden Rectory,
Flintshire
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Godfrey, Rev. W. Tibberton, Worcester
Goldsmid, Nathaniel, Esq.M.A. Exeter
Coll.
Goldsmith, H. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. Camb
Gooch, Rev. J. H. Head Master of
Heath School, Halifax
Goodford, C. O. Esq. Eton Coll.
•Goodlake, Rev. T. W. Pembroke Coll.
Goodwin, H. Esq. Caius Coll. Cambridge
Gordon, Rev. Osborne, Ch. Ch.
Gordon, C. S. Esq. Exeter
Gordon, H. Esq. Kendal
Gordon, W. Esq. St. Leonard's
Gother, Rev. A. Chale Rectory, Isle of
Wight
Gough, Rer. H. St. Bees
tGoulburn, H. Esq.
Gould, Rev. R. J. Farnham Royal
Graham, Rev. W. H.
Grantham Clerical Library
Grant and Bolton, Messrs. Booksellers,
Dublin
Grant and Son, Messrs. Booksellers,
Edinburgh
Graham, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford
•Grant, Rev. Anth. D.C.L. Romford
Grant, Rev. James B. Dublin
•Granville, Rev. Court, Ma) field, near
Ashbourn
Grapel, Mr. W. Liverpool
Graves, Rev. John, Ashperton, Here-
fordshire
Green, Mr. Bookseller, Leeds
Green, Rev. H. Cople, Bedfordshire
tGreen, Rev. J. H. Swepstone
Green, Rev. M. J. Lincoln Coll.
Greene, R. Esq. Lichfield
Greenwell, W. Esq. Univ. Coll. Durham
•Greenwell, W. Esq. St. John's Coll.
Cambridge
•Gregory, Rev. G. Sandford, Devon
Gregory, R. Esq. Corpus
Gresley, Rev. Sir Nigel, Bart.
Gresley, Rev. W.Lichfield
•Gresley, Rev. J. M. Exeter Coll.
Greswell, Rev. R. Worcester Coll.
Gretton, Rev. R. H. Nantwich, Cheshire
Grey, Rev. H. Exeter
•Grey, Hon. and Rev. Francis, Morpeth,
Northumberland
Grey, Hon. and Rev. John, Wooler,
Northumberland
Grierson, J. Esq.
•Grieve, Rev. Mr. Ellon, Aberdeen
Grimstead, Rev. G.
tGrub,George,Esq. Advocate. Aberdeen
Grueber, Rev. C. S. Magd. Hall
•GuilJemard, Rev. J. St. John's Coll.
•Guillemard, Rev. H. P. Trinity Coll.
Gunner, Rev. W. Winchester
•Gutch, Rev.R. Segrave, Leicestershire
Haffenden, Miss, Langford Hall, Newark
Haight, Rev. B. I. New York, U. S.
•Haines, W. C. Esq. Hampstead
Haines, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford
Halcombe, John, Esq.
Hale, Rev. G. C. Hillingdon
•Hale, Ven. Archdeacon, Charter House
•Hale, Rev. Matthew B. Alderley,
Gloucestershire
Hall, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge
Hall, Rev. Adam, Drumbair, Ayrshire
•Hall, Ven. Archdeacon, Isle of Man
Hall, Rev. S. C.
•Hall, Rev. W. Manchester
Hall, Rev. W. J.
*Hallen, Rev. G. Rushock Medonte,
Upper Canada
Halliburton, Mr. Bookseller, Coldstream
Halson, Mr.
•Hamilton, Rev. Jas. Beddington
•Hamilton, Rev. Walter Kerr, Merton
Coll. Chaplain to the Bp. of Salisbury
t Hannah, Rev. J. Lincoln Coll.
Hannaford, Mr. Bookseller, Exeter
Harcourt, Rev. Vernon, West Dean
House, Midhurst
•Harding, Rev. I. St.Ann's, Blackfriars
Hardwick, Rev. Charles, Gloucester
Harington, Rev. Rich. Principal of
Brasenose Coll.
Harley, John, Esq. Kain Wemin, Ponty
Pool
•Harness, Rev. Wm.
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Harper, Rev. S. B. Donnington, near
Newbury
•Harper, T. N. Esq. Queen's Coll.
Harper, £. N. Esq Kensington
Harper, Rev. H. J. C. Mortimer, near
Reading
Harrington, Rev. E. Exeter
Harris,Hon. and Rev.C.A. Wilton, Wilts
Harris. Rev. Thomas
Harris, J. Esq. City of London School
Harrison, Benj. Esq.Clapham Common
Harrison, Benson, E«q. Ambleside
•Harrison, Rov. B. Ch. Ch. Domestic
Chaplain to the Abp. of Canterbury
Harrison, Rev. H. Gouldhurst, Kent
Harrison, Rev. J. W.
Harrison, W. Esq.
Harter, Rev. G. Manchester
Hartley, L. L. Esq. Middleton Lodge,
near Richmond, Yorkshiie
Hartnell, E. G. Esq.
Hartwell, Geo. Esq. Trin. Coll. Camb.
Harvey, Rev. Mr. Bath
Hasting, Rev. J. Arclay Kings, Worces-
tershire
•Hatherell, Rev. J.W. D.D. Charmouth
Rectory, Dorset
Hawker, Rev. R. S. Moorwinston, Corn-
wall
•Hawker, J. Esq.. Balliol Coll.
•Hawkins, Rev. Edward, Jamaica
•Hawkins, Rev. E. Coleford, Gloucester
Hawkins, Rev. Ernest, Exeter Coll.
•Hawkins, Rev. H. C. H. Lydney,
Gloucester
Hawks, Rev. W. Gateshead, Durham
Hayden, Mrs. Thomas, Guildford
•Hayward, W. W. Esq.
Hazlehurst, R. K. Esq. Trinity Coll.
Cambridge
Head, — Esq. Exeter
•Heale, S. W. Esq. Queen's
Heath, Christopher, Esq.
Heathcote, Sir Wm. Bart. Hursley Park,
near Winchester
•Heathcote, Rev. C. J. Clapton
Heathcote, Rev. G. North Tamer ton
t Heathcote, Rev. George, Connington
Rectory, Stilton, Hunts
• Heathcote, Rev. W. B. New Coll.
Hedley, Rev. T. A. Gloucester
Hemsley,Mr. W. Kc) worth, Nottingham
Henderson, Rev. T. Messing, Kelvedon
•Henderson, W. G. Esq. Magd. Coll.
Henderson, H. R. Esq.
Henn, Rev. W. Garvagh, Londonderry
Hervey, Hon. and Rev. Lord Arthur,
Ick worth
Hewett. Rev. P.Binstead, Isle of Wight
Hewitt, Hon. John J. Balliol Coll.
Hewitt, T. S. Esq. Worcester Coll.
Heycock, Rev. Owston, Leicestershire
Heydon, Mr. J. Bookseller, Devonport
•Hibbert, Miss R. S.
Higgs, Rev. R. W. Swansea
Hildyard, Rev. James, Christ's Coll.
Cambridge
Hill, Rev. Edw. Ch. Ch.
Hill, John, Esq. Glasgow
•Hill, Rev. Erroll, Worting, Basing-
stoke
Hill, Rev. R. Balliol Coll.
Hillman, G. Esq. Magd. Coll. Camb.
Hilton, J. D. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Hindle, Rev. Joseph, High am
Hinde, Rev. Thos. Liverpool
Hine, Rev. H. T. Bury St. Edmunds
Hingeston, James Ansley, Esq.
Hippisley, J.H.Esq. Lambourne, Berks
Hippisley, R. W. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Hoare, W. H. Esq. Ashurst Park, Tun-
bridge Wells
Hobhouse, Rev. E. Fellow of Mert. Coll.
Hobhouse, Rev. R. Bridgenorth
Hobson, Rev. W. W. Bedingham,
Norfolk
Hocking, Richard, Esq. Penzance
Hodgson, Rev. Chas. Bodmin
Hodgson, Rev. J . Geo. St. Peter's, Thanet
Hodgson, Rev. John, St. Peter's, Thanet
•Hodgson, Rev. J. F. Horsham
•Hodgson, Rev. H.
Hodgson, W. Esq. Wanstead
Hodson, Rev. Mr. Salisbury
Hodson, Rev. J. S. Merton Coll.
Hogan, Rev. J. Tetbury, Gloucestershire
Hogben, Mr. Geo. Sheerness
Hogg, Rev. J. R. Brixham
Holden, Rev. Geo. Liverpool
*Holden, Rev. W. R. Worcester
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H olden, Mr. A. Bookseller, Exeter
Holder, the Misses, Torquay
Holds worth, Miss M. Dartmouth
•Hole, Rev. George, Chumleigh, near
Exeter
Holland, Rev. J. E. M. Stoke Bliss, near
Tenbury
Hollis, Rev. G. P. Duddington, Somerset
Holmes, Hon. Mrs. A'Court
Holmes, Rev. Peter, Plymouth
Hohhouse, Rev. C. S.
•Hope, A. B. Esq. Trin. Coll. Camb.
Hope, James R. Esq. Merton Coll.
Hook, Rev. Dr. W. F. Leeds
Hopkins, Rev. A. Clent. Worcestershire
•Hopkins, Rev. Thomas, Honington
•Horncastle Clerical Society
Hornby, Rev. James, Win wick, War-
rington
Hornby, Rev. Wm. St. Michael's Gar-
stang, Lancashire
Hornby, R. W. B. Esq. Manor House,
He worth, York*
Horner, Chas. Esq. Mill Park, Somerset
Horner, Rev. John, Mel Is, Somerset
•Horsfall, Rev. A. Grange.Derby
Horsfall, J. Esq. Standard Hill, Notts
♦Horsley, Rev. J. W. Ville of Dunkirk,
Faversham, Kent
♦Hoskins, Rev. W. E. Canterbury
Hotham, Rev. C. Patrington, Hull
Hotham, W. F. Esq. Ch. Ch.
Hotham, Rev. J. G. Sutton-at-home,
Dartford
Houghton, Rev. J. Matching
Howard, Rev. W. Great Witchinghara,
Norfolk
Howard, Hon. C.
•Howard, Hon. and Rev. Wm. Whiston,
Rotherham, Yorkshire
Howell, Rev. Alexander, Southampton
Howell, Rev. H. Merton Coll.
Howell, Rev. A. Sedgley
•Hubbard, Rev. Thos. Ley tons tone
Huddleston, Rev. G. J.
•Hue, Dr.
•Hughes, Rev. H.
Hulton, Rev. Campbell Grey, Man-
chester
Hulton, Rev. W.
Hunt, R. S. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Hunter, Rev. W. St. John's Coll.
Huntingford, Rev. G. W. College,
Winchester
Hutchins, Rev. W. Bath
Hutchinson, Rev. Cyril, Batsford,
Gloucestershire
Hutchinson, Rev. C. Firle
Hutchinson, Rev. James, Chelmsford
Hutton, Rev. W. Warton, Lancaster
t Jackson, Rev. J. Islington
Jackson, Rev. Dr. Lowther, nr. Penrith
Jackson, Rev. W. Ardley Rectory
Jackson, Rev. W. D. Ch. Ch. Hoxton
tJacobson, Rev. W. Magd. Hall
Jaffray, Mr. Jas. Bookseller, Berwick
J ames,Rev. J .Rawmarsh,near Rotheram
•James, Rev. Henry
James, Rev. E. Prebendary of Win-
chester
Janvrin, James H. Esq. Oriel
Jeanes, Mr. Bookseller, Exeter
Jefferson, Rev. J. D. Thorganby, York-
shire
• Jeffray, Rev. L. W. Preston
Jeffreys, Rev. Henry Anthony, Hawk-
hurst, Kent
•Jelf,Rev.RichardWilliam,D.D. Canon
of Ch. Ch.
Jelf, Rev. W. E. Ch. Ch.
Jellott, H. Esq.
Jennett, Mr.
Jennings, Rev. M. J.
Jennings, Rev. J. Preb. of Westminster
Jennings, Mrs. Driffield
Jeremie, Rev. F. J. Guernsey
Jeremie, Rev. T. T. Trinity College,
Cambridge
Jerrard, Rev. M. Norwich
Illingworth, Rev. E. A.
Inge, Rev. T. R. Southsea
Inglis, SirR.H. Bart. M.P.
Ingram, Rev. Geo. Chedburgb, Suffolk
•Ingram, Rev. R.
Inman, Rev. W. J.
Johnson, C. W. Esq. Balliol Coll.
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Johnson, Miss
Johnson, Rev. E. M. Brooklyn, New
York
Johnson, Manuel John.Esq. Magd.Hall,
Radcliffe Observer
Johnson, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge
Johnson, W. F. Esq.
Johnstone, "Rev. M. Stewart, MinnigafT
Mause, Newton Stewart, Scotland
•Jones, Ven. H. C. Archdeacon of Essex
Jones, Rev. D. Stamford
Jones, Rev. E. Wigan
Jones, Rev. Edward, Fatherwell, near
West Mailing, Kent
Jones, Rev. J. Hereford
Jones, Rev. H. J. Edinburgh
Jones, Rev. H. Llanfaes, Beaumaris
•Jones, Rev. R. J. Newcastle-on-Tyne
•Jones, William, Esq. M.A. Ball. Coll.
Jones, Mr. James, Manchester
Jones, W. B. Esq. Magdalen Hall
Jones, Rev. R. Branxton, Coldstream,
N.B.
Jones, C. K. Esq.
Jones, Rev. W. H. Preston
Trby, Hon. and Rev. F. Hyihe
•Irons, Rev. W. J. Brompton
•Irvine, Rev. A. Leicester
Irvine, Rev. J. Knowle, near Bristol
Irving, Geo. Esq. Newton, Edinburgh
Irving, Rev. J. Kendal
Isaacson, Rev. John Fred. Freshwater,
Isle of Wight
Isham, Rev. A. All Souls Coll.
Karslake, Rev. W. Colebrook, Devon
Karslake, Rev. W. H. Meshaw, South
Molton, Devon
Keith, John, Bookseller, Glasgow
Keble, Miss
Keble, Rev. T. Bisley, Gloucestershire
Keigwin, Rev. James P. Wadham Coll.
Kekewich, S. T. Esq. Peamore
Kempe, Rev. G. Salterton
Kendal, Rev. J. H. F. Kirkby Lons-
dale
Kenney, Rev. F. Ch. Ch.
i:J
Kenrick, Rev. J. Horsham
•Kent, Rev. G. D. Sudbrooke, near
Lincoln
Kenyon, Lord
Kenyon, Robt. Esq. D.C.L. All Souls
Kerr, Hon. and Rev. Lord, Dittisham
Kerr, Lord Henry, Dittisham
Kerrier Clerical Club, Cornwall
Kershaw, Rev-. G. W. Worcester
Keymer, Rev. N. Hertford
•Kidd, Dr. Oxford
Kindersley, R. T. Esq.
King, Ven. Archdeacon
King, R. J. Esq. Exeter Coll.
King, R. P. Esq. Bristol
King's College Library, London
•Kirwan, Rev. E. Tiverton
•Kitson, E. P. Esq. Balliol Coll.
Kitson, Rev. John F. Exeter Coll.
Kitson, Rev. G. Antony Vicarage,
Cornwall
Knatchbull,Rev.H.E. Elmham, Norfolk
Knight, Rev. T. Ford, Northumberland
Knight, Rev. W. Worcester Coll.
Knollys, Rev. Erskine
•Knowles, E. H. Esq. Queen's Coll.
Knowles, J. L. Esq. Pembroke Coll.
Knox, Rev. H. B. Monk's Eleigh,
Hadleigh
Kyle, Rev. John Torrens, Cork
Lace, F. John Esq. Ingthorpe Grange,
Yorkshire
Lacon, F. Esq. Worcester Coll.
Lade, John Wm. Esq.
•Laing, Rev. David
Lake, W. C. Esq. Balliol Coll.
•Lampen, Rev. R. Probus, Cornwall
•Landor, Rev. R. E. Birlingham
Lance, Rev. Edw. Buckland St. Mary,
Somerset
Lance, Rev. E. llminster
•Landon, Rev. C. W. Over-Whitacre,
Warwickshire
Landon, Rev. E. H. St, Phillips, Dalston
Lane, Mrs. F.
B
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Lane, Re?. C. Deal
Lane, Rev. E. Gloucester
Lane, Rev. C. Kennington
Lane, Rev. Samuel, Frome
Langbridge, Mr. Birmingham
Langdon, Rev. G. H. Oving
•Langdon, Augustus, Esq.
Langmore, W. Esq. M.D.
•Laprimaudaye, Rev. C. J. Leyton
Latham, Rev. Henry, Selmeston, Sus-
sex
Latimer, Rev. G. B. P. Tynemouth
Law, Rev. S. T. Chancellor of the
Diocese of Litchfield
Law, Rev. W. T. East Brent, near
Cross, Somerset
Lawrence, Rev. Alfred, Sandhurst, Kent
Lawrie, A. J. C. Esq.
Lawson, Rev. C. Richmond
Lawson, Rev. Robt.
Lawson, Rev. W. Delancey, Oakham
Lay ton, Rev. F. W. H. Islington
Leak, J. Bookseller, Alford, Lincolnshire
Lechmere, Rev. A. B. Welland, Wore.
Lee, Rev. S. Sidmouth
Lee, Rev. W. Trinity Coll. Dublin
fLeefe, Rev. Audley End, Essex
Lefroy, Rev. A. C.
Legge, Lady Anne
*Legge, Rev. Henry, EastLavant, near
Chichester
Legge, Rev. W. Ashtead
Leigh, Stratford, Esq.
Leigh, Wm. Esq. Little Aston Hall,
Lichfield
•Leighton, Rev. F. K. All Souls Coll.
Le Mesurier, John, Esq. Ch. Ch.
Lepage, Mr. Calcutta
♦Leslie, Rev. Charles
Leslie, Mr. Bookseller, London
Lewis, Rev. David, Jesus Coll.
Lewis, Rev. G. Dundee
Lewis, Rev. R. Farway, near Honiton
•Lewis, Rev T. T. Aymestry, near
Leominster
tLewlhwaite, Rev. Geo. jun. Adel, near
Leeds
Ley, Rev. Jacob S. Ashprington, Devon
Ley, W. H. Esq. Trinity Coll.
Library of Congress, Washington
•Library of Domus Scholarum, Wotton-
under-Edge
•Liddell, Rev. Henry G. Ch. Ch.
Liddell, Rev. Thos. Edinburgh
Lifford, Right Hon. Lord Viscount,
Astley Castle, near Coventry
Light and Ridler, Bristol
Lightfoot, Rev. N. Stockleigh, Devon
Lindsell, J. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. Camb.
•Lingard, Rev. Joshua, Curate of the
Chapelry of Hulme, near Manchester
Linzee, Rev. E. H.
Li tier, Rev. R. Poyn ton, near Macclesfield
Littlehales, Rev. J. New Coll.
*Liveing, Rev. Henry Thomas, Stoke by
Nayland, Suffolk
Liverpool Library
tLloyd, Rev. E. Badgeworth
Lloyd, Rev. H. Pentrevoglas, N. Wales
Lloyd, Rev. John F. Baliylany, Rich-
hill, Ireland
Lloyd- Carew, Rev. H. Pembrokeshire
Lockhart, W. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Lock wood, Rev. John, Rector of King-
ham, Oxon
Lockwood, Rev. Mr. Coventry
Lockyer, E. L. Esq. Emmanuel Coll.
Cambridge
•Lodge, Rev. B.
Lomax, T. G. Esq. Lichfield
London Institution, The
Long, W. Esq. Bath
Losh, Miss, Woodside, Carlisle
Lott, Mr.
tLousada, P. M. Esq. Merlon Coll.
Low, Rev. R. Ahasenogh, Ireland
•Lowe, John Wm. Esq.
Lowe, Rev. T. Oriel Coll.
Lowe, Rev. R. Misterton, Somerset
Lowe, Rev. T. H. Dean of Exeter
Lowe, Rev. R. F. Madeira
Lowe, Mr. Bookseller, Wimborne
Lumsden, Rev. H. St. Peter's, Ipswich
Lund, Mr. St. John's Coll. Cambridge
Lundie, Rev. W. Com pton, Berwick -on-
Twee d
Luscombe, Rev. E. K. Plymouth
Lush, A. Esq.
Lusk, John, Esq. Glasgow
Lutener, Rev. T. B. Shrewsbury
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Luxraore, Rev. J. H. M.
Lyall, Rev. Alfred
Lyall, Ven. W. R. Archdeacon of
Colchester
Lyne, Rev. C. P. West Thomey, Sussex
Lysons, Rev. Samuel, Hempstead, Glou-
cestershire
Maberly, Rev. T. A.
♦M'Call, Rev. E. Brightsone, Isle of
Wight
Macauley, Rev. S. Herrick
Mac-Donnell, Rev. J. Dublin
Maclean, Rev. H. Coventry
Maclean, Rev. J. Sheffield
•Macfarlane, Rev. J. D.Frant,Tunbridge
Wells
Maclachan, A. N. C. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Machlachlan,Stewart,andCo. Edinburgh
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tMackenzie, A. C. Esq. St. John's Coll.
Mackinson, Re v.T.C . Colonial Ch aplain ,
New South Wales
•Macmullen, Rev. R. G. C.C.C.
Macpherson, Rev. A. Rothwell, near
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Maddy, Rev. B. Shrewsbury
Madox, Wm. Esq.
Magdalene College Library
M'Arthy, Rev. F. Loders, Dorset
M'Clintoch, G. F. Esq. Bengal Civil
Service
Mahon, Rev. C. Fort St. George, Madras
* Major, Rev. Dr. King's Coll. London
M'lver, Rev. Wm. West Derby
Maitland, Rev. S. R.
Maitland,Rev.P. Blackburn, Lancashire
•M'Laren, Major, Portobello, Greenock
Malcolm, Rev. Hen. Eckington, Ches-
terfield
•Mallock, Rev. Wm. Torquay
Mallory, Rev. G.
Manley, N. M. Esq. St. John's Coll.
Camb.
Mann, Rev. W. Moxon
11
Manning, Ven. Hen. Archdeacon of
Chichester, Lavington, Sussex
Manning, Mrs. Tillington, Sussex
Manning, Rev. G. W.
Margetts, Rev. H. Huntingdon
Markland, J. H. Esq. Bath
Markland, Thomas. Esq. Manchester
•Marriott, Rev. J. Bradfiehl, Reading
Marriott, Rev. F. A.
Marsden, Rev. A. Gargrave
Marsden, Mr. Wm. Manchester
Marshall, Rev. Edward, C.C.C.
Marshall, Rev. Edward, Eranwell,
Sleaford, Lincoln
Marshall, Rev. T. W. Charlton, near
Shaftesbury
Marsham, Rev. G. F. J. Allington,
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Martin, Rev. John, Sidney Sussex Coll.
Cambridge
Martin, Rev. Richard, Menheniot
Martyn, Rev. J. Exete^
Mason, Rev. A. W. Borking, near
Braintree
•Mason, Rev. W. Normanton
Massingberd, Rev.F.C. Ormsby,Spilsby
Masters, Rev. J. S. Greenwich
Matheson, G. F. Esq.
Maxwell, Henry C. Esq. York
May, Rev. George, Heme, Kent
Mayo, A. Esq. Oriel
Mayor, C. Esq. Newport Rectory, Mays
Mayow, Rev. M. W. Market Lavington,
Devizes
Mayow, W. R. Esq. Magdalen Hall
Mc Ewen, Rev. A. Semington, Melk-
shara, Wilts.
•Meade, Rev. E. Stratford on Avon
Medley, Rev. J. Exeter
•Medwyn, Hon. Lord, Edinburgh
•Mence, Rev. J. W.
Mendham, Rev. J. Clophill, Beds.
Menzies, Rev. F. Brasenose Coll.
Meredith, Rev. R. F. Wore. Coll.
Mere wether, Rev. Francis, Whit wick,
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•Merival, Rev. C. St. John's Coll.
Cambridge
•Merriman, Rev. N. J. Street, Somerset
•Metcalfe, Rev. W. Harleston, Norfolk
2
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M'Ewen, Rev. A. Seraington, Wilts
M'Glashen, Mr. James, Dublin
Milliken, Rev. Rich. Compton, Sussex
•Mill, Rev. Dr.
Miller. Rev. C. Magdalen Coll.
Miller, Rev. John, Worcester Coll.
Benefield, Northamptonshire
Milles, Rev. T. Tenterden, Kent
Millner, Rev. W. Bristol
Mills, I. J. Esq. Lexden Park
Milward, Rev. Hen. Parlton, Somerset
Minchin, O. H. Esq. Dublin
Minster, Rev. T. Hunsingore, near
Wilherby
*Moberly, Rev. Dr. Winchester
Money, KyrleE. A. Esq. C.C.C. Camb.
Monro, Rev. Edward, Oriel Coll.
Monsell, Wm. Esq. Tervoe, Limerick
•Moody, Rev. Henry R. Chartham, near
Canterbury
Moore, Rev. ^rthur, Stratum, Glou-
cestershire
Moorsom, Captain, Lowndes Square
fMoorsom, Rev. R. Seaham Vicarage,
Durham
Mordaunt, Sir John, Bart.
More, Rev, R. H. G. Larden Hall,
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Morgan, Rev. J. P. C. Llangwyryfor
Morgan, Rev. J.
Morrice, J. Esq Sidcliff, near Sidmouth
Morrell, Baker, Esq. St. Giles, Oxford
Morrell, F. Esq. St. Giles, Oxford
•Morrell, Rev. G. K. St. John's
Morrison, J. Esq. Glasgow
Morrison, Mr. Liverpool
•Morris, Rev. T. E. Ch. Ch.
Morton, M. C. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Morton, Mr. T. N. Boston
Mosse, Rev. S. T.Ashbourn, Derbyshire
•Mozley, Rev. Thomas, Cholderton
Mozley, H. Esq. Derby
Munby, Joseph, Esq. York
Murray, C. R. Scott, Esq. 1 1 , Cavendish
Square, London
Murray, F. H. Esq. Ch. Ch.
Murray, Rev. G. E. All Souls Coll.
Mushet, Robert, Esq.
Muskett, Mr. C. Bookseller, Norwich
Neave, Rev. H. L. Eppjng
•Needham, Hon. Mr. Trinity Coll.
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Neeve, Rev. F. K. Poole, Cakneys
Nelson, John, Esq. St. Mary Hall
Nelson, Earl, Trinity Coll. Cambridge
•Nevile, Rev. Charles, Trinity CoU.
Newdigate, Mrs. Aubry, near Coventry
•New, Rev. F. T. Christ Church, St.
Pancras
•New York Society Library
New York Theological Seminary
Newall, Rev. S. Dedsbury
Newcastle-on-Tyne Clerical Society
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Newton, Mi. Croydon
Nichol, J. Esq. Islington
Nicholl, Rev. J. R. Greenhill, near
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•Nicholls, Rev. W. L. Bath
•Nicholson, Rev. P. C. Leeds
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Nicholson, Miss F. Rochester
•Nind, Rev. W. Fellow of St. Peter's,
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Northcote, G. B. Esq. Exeter Coll.
•Northcote, J. S. Esq. C.C.C.
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Oakeley,Rev.SirHerbert, Bart.Bocking
•Oakeley, Rev. Frederick, Balliol Coll.
Oakey, Mr. H. Bookseller, Preston
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0'Brien,Rev.Hewitt,Edgefield Rectory,
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O'Brien, S.August. Esq. Blatherwycke
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O'Connell, Rev. A. Dublin
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•Oldknow, Rev. J. Uppingham
Ogilvie, Rev. C. A. D.D. Regius Pro-
fessor of Pastoral Theology, Oxford
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of Medicine, Oxford
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Ogle, Maurice, Esq. Glasgow
Ogle, Mr. Robt. Bookseller, Edinburgh
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Devon
Oliverson, R. Esq.
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tOrmerod, Geo. Esq. Sedbury Park,
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tOrmerod, Rev. Thomas J. Bras. Coll.
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Oswald, Alexander, Esq.
Oswell, Rev. Lloyd, Isfield, Sussex
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Packe, Mrs. J. Richmond Terrace,
Reading
Page, Rev. Dr. Gillingharo, Kent
Page, Rev. Cyril
Page, Rev. L. F. Woolpit
Paget, Rev. E. F. Elford, Lichfield,
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Palk, Rev. Wm. Ashcombe, Devon
Palmer, Rev. J.
Palmer, Rev. S. North Tawton
Palmer, Rev. W. Worcester Coll.
•Palmer, Rev. W. Magd. Coll.
Palmer, R. Esq.
Palmer, G. H. Esq. Liucoln's Inn
Panting, Rev. R. Calcutta
Panting, T. Esq. Pembroke College
•Papillon, Rev. John, Lexden,Colchester
Pardoe, Rev. J.
Parker, Rev. Charles
Parker, C. Esq. 41, Upper Bedford Place
tParker, Rev. W. Appleton-le-Street
tParkes, Rev. W.
Parkinson, Rev. J. P. Magd. Coll.
Parkinson, Rev. R. Manchester
Parlby, Rev. Hall
•Parsons, Rev. G. L. Benson
•Patteson, Hou. Mr. Justice
•Pattison, Rev. Mark, Lincoln Coll.
Paul, Rev. Charles, Bath
Paul, G. W. Esq. Magd. Coll.
Payne, Mr. Randolph, Magd. Hall
Payne, R. jnn. Esq. Lavender Hill,
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Peake, Rev. G. E. Taunton
tPearse, T. Esq. Magdalen Coll.
Pearson, the Very Rev. Hugh N. D.D.
Dean of Salisbury
Pearson, Rev. Charles, Knebworth,
Stevenage, Herts
Pearson, Rev. H. W. Guildford
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•Pelly, Rev. Theophilus, C.C.C.
•Penny, Rev. Edw. St. John's Coll.
♦Perceval, Hon. and Rev. A. P.
•Perkins,Rev.B. R. Wotton-under-Edge
Perrin, Rev. J. Stockenham
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Peters, Rev. Henry, St. Johnlee,
Northumberland
Petley, Rev. Henry, Glynde Lewes,
Sussex
Phelps, Rev. H. D. Tarrington, Led-
bury, Herefordshire
Phillipps, S. M. Esq.
Phillips.Rev.G. Queen's Coll.Cambridge
Phillips, Rev. E. Clapham
Phillott, Johnson, Esq. Bath
•Phillpotts, Rev. W. J. Hallow, Wor-
cester
Phippen, Robt Esq. Badgworth Court,
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Phipps, Rev. E. J. Devizes
Piccope, Rev. I. Manchester
•Pigott, Rev. G. Bombay
Pigott, Rev. J. R. Hughenden Vicarage,
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Pinckard, Wm. Esq. Handley , Towcester
•Pinder, Rev.J.H.Diocesan Coll. Wells
Pirie, A. jun. Esq. Aberdeen
Pitts, Rev. J. Street, near Glastonbury
Piatt, Rev. George
•Piatt, T. P. Esq. Liphook, Hants
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Plummer, Rev. Mat. Heworth, Durham
tPJumptre, E. H. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Pocock, Mr. Bookseller, Bath
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•Pocock, Rev. N. M.A. Queen's Coll.
•Pocock, Rev. C. S. Inkbeirow, Wor-
cestershire
Pole, Rev. R. Chandos, Radbourne,
Derby
♦Pole, E. S. Chandos, Esq. Radbourne
Hall, Derby
Pollock, John, Esq. Edinburgh
♦Ponsonby, Hon. Walter
•Poole,Rev.J.Enmore,nearBridgewater
tPooley, Rev. M. Scotter
Pope, T. A. Esq. Jesus Coll. Cambridge
Popham,Rev. John, Chilton, Hungerford
Popham, Wm. Esq.
Porcher, Charles, Esq.
Portal, Melville, Esq. Ch. Ch.
Porter, Rev. Chas. Stamford
Porter, Henry, Esq. Winslade, Exeter
Portman, Rev. F. B. Staple Fitzpaine,
Somerset
Pountney, Rev. H. Wolverhampton
Povah, Rev. J. V.
Powell, Arthur, Esq.
•Powell, Chas. Esq. Speldhurst
Powell, Rev. H. T. Coventry
•Powell, Rev. Edw. Aroett, Ampthill
•Powell, Rev. J. C.
Powell, John, Esq.
Powell, Rev. Rob. Worcester Coll.
Power, Mr. Pembroke Coll. Camb.
•Powles, R. Cowley, Esq. Exeter Coll.
Pownall, Rev. C. C. B. Milton Ernest
Pratt, Rev. J. B. Cruden, Aberdeenshire
•Prescott, Rev. T. P. Portsmouth
Pressley, Rev. Mr. Fraserburgh, Aber-
deenshire
Prevost, Rev. Sir George, Bart. Oriel
Coll.
Price, Rev. Wm. Colne St. Denis
Rectory, near Northleach
tPrice, Rev. W. H. Pembroke Coll.
•Prichard, Rev. J. C. Mitcham
Prickett, Rev.M.TrinityColl. Cambridge
Pridden, Rev. W. Broxted, Essex
Prideaux, Esq.
Puckle, Rev. John, Dover
Pym, Rev. F. Plymstock, Devon
Radcliffe, Rev. J. F. Hugglescote
Raikes, R. Esq. Exeter Coll.
Ramsay, Rev. E. B. St. John's Chapel,
Edinburgh
Randall, Rev. H. G. Queen's Coll.
•Randolph, E. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb.
•Randolph, Francis, Esq. St. John's
College
Cambridge
Randolph, Rev. G. Coulsdon, Croydon
•Randolph, Rev. Herbert, Abbotsley,
St. Neot's, Hunts
Randolph, Rev. S. Hadham
Randolph, Rev. Thomas
Randolph, Rev. E. J. Tring, Herts.
Ranken, Rev. Mr. Old Deer
Rashdall, Rev. John, Exeter
•Raven, V. Esq. Magd. Coll. Camb.
•Rawle, Mr. Trinity Coll. Cambridge
Rawlins, Rev. C. Allerthorpe, Pock-
lington
Ray, Rev. H. W. Kendal
Rayer, Rev. Wm. Tiverton
Rayleigh, Right Hon. Lord, Terling
Place, Essex
Read, Wm. Esq. Manchester
Reece, Rev. James, Tinsley
Reed, Rev. Christ Tyuemouth
Reeves, Rev. F. J. H.
Reid, Rev. C. B. Teynham, near Sit-
tingbourne
•Relton, Rev. J. R. Tewkesbury
Rew, Rev. Chas. Maidstone
Rhodes, M. J. Esq. Stanmore, Mid-
dlesex
•Rice, H. Esq. Highfield, near
Southampton
•Richards, Rev. J. L. D.D. Rector of
Exeter College
Richards, Rev. E. T. Farlington
Richards, Rev. George, Warrington
Richards, Rev. Henry, Horfield, near
Bristol
Richards, Rev. Upton
Richards, Rev. T. Watkyn, Puttenham,
Guildford, Surrey
Rickards, Rev. J. Stowlingtoft
Ricketts, Rev. F.
Riddell, Rev. J. C. B. Harrietsham.
Maidstone
Ridings, Mr. George, Bookseller, Cork
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Ridley, Rev. W. H. Ch. Ch.
Ripoo, Very Rev. the Dean of, Dawlish
Risdale, Rev. E. Troubridge
Ritson, J. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb.
Riviere, Mr. Bookseller, London
Roberts, L. Esq. White well Clitheroe,
Lancashire
Roberts, Mr. Liverpool
Roberts, Rev. R. Milton Abbas, Dor-
setshire
Robertson, J. Esq. D.C.L. Doctors'
Commons
Robertson, Rev. J. C. Trinity Coll.
Cambridge, Boxley, Maidstone
Robertson, Rev. J. C. University Coll.
•Robson, Rev. J. U.
* Robinson, Rev. C. Kir knew ton, near
Wooler, Northumberland
Robinson, Rev. R. B. Lytham Preston,
Lancashire
Robinson, Rev. C. W. Hoton, Leices-
tershire
Robinson, Rev. T. Milford
Robins, Rev. S. Shaftesbury
Robin, Rev. Philip R. Bolton, Lanca-
shire
Rochester, Very Rev. the Dean of
•Rodmell, Rev. John, Burford, Salop
Rodd, Rev. C. North Hill
Rod well, Mr. Bookseller, Bond Street
Rogers, Edw. Esq. Blackheath
Rogers, W. Esq. Balliol Coll.
Rogers, Rev. John, Canon of Exeter
Rogers, Rev. J. Foston, Leicestershire
Rogers, Mrs. St. John's Villa, Fulham
Rohde, Mrs. Eleanor, Croydon
Romney, Rev. F. H. near Worcester
Rooke, C. H. Esq. Magdalen Coll.
Cambridge
Rooper, Rev. Wm. Abbots' Ripton
*Rose, Rev. H. H. Birmingham
Ross, Rev. J. L. Oriel Coll.
Rothfield, Rev. John M.
Round, Rev. James F. Colchester
Routh, Rev. Martin Joseph, D.D. Presi-
dent of Magdalen Coll.
Rowe, W. Esq. Rockwell, Tipperary
•Rowley, Rev. T. Ch^Ch.
Rump, James, Esq. Swanton Morley,
Norfolk
Rusher and Johnson, Messrs. Booksellers,
Reading
Russell, J. Watts, Esq. Ham Hall
Russell, Rev. M. Watts, Benefield,
Oundle
Russell, Mrs. Aden, Aberdeenshire
tRussell, Mr. Bookseller, Aberdeen
Russell, Rev. J. F. Enfield
Russell, Rev. Samuel Henry
Ryder, Rev. G. D. Easton, Hants
•Ryder, T. D. Esq. Oriel Coll.
Salter, Rev. John, Iron Acton, Bristol
Sampays, A. J. Esq. Fulham
Sanders, Rev. John, Liverpool
Sanders, Rev. Lloyd, Exeter
•Sandford, Rev. G. B. Prestwich,
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Sandham, J. M. Esq. St. John's Coll.
Sandilands, Rev. R. S. B.
Sankey, P. Esq. St. John's College
Saunders, Rev. A. P. Charterhouse
Saunder, Rev. J. Sidney Sussex Coll.
Camb.
Savage, Mrs. Henleaze, near Bristol
Schneider, Rev. H.
Schofield, H. L. Esq. Brighton
Scobell, Rev. John, Southover, Lewes
Scott, H. B. Esq. Honiton
Scott, Rev. John
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Scott, Rev. W.
fScudamore, Rev. W. E. Ditchingham,
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Selwyn, Rev. Wm. Ely
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Seymour, Rev. Sir J. H. Bart. North-
church, Herts
Seymour, Rev. Richard, Kinwartou»
Alcester
Shadwell, Rev. J. E. Southampton
Sharp, Rev. John, Horbury
Sharp, Rev. W. Addington, Cumberland
•Sharpe, Rev. W. C. Marlborough
Sharpies, Rev. T. Blackburn
Shaw, Rev. E. B. Narborough, Leices-
tershire
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Shaw, Rev. Morton, Hawkhurst, Kent
fShaw, Rev. G. Fen Drayton
Shearly, W. J. Esq. St. Peter's Coll.
Cambridge
Shedden, S. Esq. Pembroke College
Shepherd, Rev. Samuel
Sheppard, J. H. Esq. Queen's Coll.
tSheppard, W. Esq. Oriel Coll.
Sheppard. Rev. F. Clare Hall, Camb.
♦Sherlock, Rev. H. H. Ashton, in
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Sherwood, Rev. Mr.
Shields, Rev. W. T.
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tShort, Rev. Augustus, Ravensthorpe,
Northamptonshire
Short, Rev. T. Trinity Coll.
Shortland, Rev. H. V.
Shortland, Rev. H. V. Twinstead, near
Halsted
Snow, Rev. D. Blandford
Sidebottom, Rev. W. Buckden
Sidgwick, C. Esq. Skipton Castle, York-
shire
Simms and Dinham, Manchester
Simms and Son, Messrs. Bath
•Simms, Rev. E. Great Malvern
Simpson, Rev. J. D. Sidney Sussex Coll.
Camb.
•Simpson, Rev. Joseph, Shrewsbury
Simpson, Rev. J. Pemberton, Wakefield
Simpson, Rev. T. W. Thurnscowe Hall
Simpson, R. Esq. Mitcham, Surrey
Sinclair, Rev. John, Chaplain to the
Bishop of London
Sittingbourne Reading Society
Skinner, F. Esq.
Skipsey, Rev. Mr.
Skrine, Rev. Harcourt, Wadhara Coll.
Sladen, Rev. E. H. M. Bockleton,
Worcestershire
Small, Rev.N. P. Market Bosworth
Smart, Thomas, Esq.
Smirke, Sir Robert
Saaith.Andrew.M.D. Fort Pitt,Chatham
t Smith, Rev. Dr. Leamington
Smith, Rev. Jeremiah, Long Buckby,
Northampton
Smith, Rev. E. H. Jersey
Smith, Rev. E.O.Hulcote,nearWoburn
Smith, Rev. J. C. Castle Cary,
Somerset
Smith, Rev. H. R. Somers, Little Bentley,
Essex
♦Smith, Rev. John, Bradford
Smith, Rev. Edward, Bocking
•Smith, R. P. Esq. Pembroke College
Smith, Rev. Mr. Greenock
•Smith, Rev. S. St. Mary's, Ely
Smith, S. Esq. Univ. Coll. Durham
Smith, Henry, Esq.
Smith, Rev. Joseph, Trinity Coll.
Smyth, Rev. Mr. Fifield, near Andover
Smyth, Rev. H. Fenor Glebe, John-
stown, Ireland
Smythe, Rev. P. M. Tanworth, Henley
in Arden
Snow, Rev. D. Blandford
Soltau, Mr.
Somers, Right Hon. Countess
Southby, Rev. Dr. Bui ford, Amesbury
•Sotheby, Rev. T. H.
Southouse, Rev. George, Oriel Coll.
•Southwell, Rev. Geo. Bristol
Sparkes, Rev. Chas. Chesterford, Saffron
Walden
Sparke, Rev. J. Clare Hall, Cambridge
•Spencer, Rev. W. J. Starsten, Norfolk
Spreat,-Mr. Bookseller, Exeter
•Spranger, Rev. R. J. Exeter Coll.
Spry, Rev. John Hume, D.D. Oriel
Coll. Rector of St. Mary-le-bone
•Stackhouse's Library, the Trustees of
Stacy, Rev. Thomas, Cardiff
•Stafford, Rev. J. C. Dinton, Salisbury
St. Andrew's University
Stanfield, Mr. J. Bookseller, Wakefield
Stanley, Rev. E. Rugby
Statter, Rev. Jas. Lindale
Staveley, J. Bookseller, Nottingham
Stead, Rev. A. Ovingdean, Brighton
Steele, Rev. Henry, Chepstow
Stebbing, Rev. Dr.
Stephens, Ferdinand, Esq. Exeter Coll.
Stephens, Rev. C. L. Kencott
Stephenson, G. H. Esq.
♦Stevens, Rev. Henry, Bradfield, Berks
Stevens, Rev. M. F. T. Thornbury
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Stevens, Rev. R. Exeter
•Stevenson, Mr. T. Bookseller, Camb.
Stewart, Mrs. Col. Bath
Stewart, Mr. Pembroke Coll. Cambridge
Stewart, S. B. Esq. B rase -nose Coll.
•St. John, Rev. A. E. Farleigh
Stockham, Rev. J. H. Ponighill
Stokes, Scott N. Esq. Trin. Coll. Camb.
•Stonard, Rev. Dr. Ulverstooe
Stonhouse, Rev. W. B. Fery
•Storer, Rev. John, Hawks worth, Nous
Story, A. B. Esq. St. Alban's
Storks, T. F. Esq. Jesus College, Camb.
Stracey, W. J. Esq, Wells Theol. Coll.
•Street, Joseph, Esq. South Sea House
Street, Rev. A. W. Bishop's College,
Calcutta
Street, Rev. J. C. Plymouth
Strong, Mr. W. Bookseller, Bristol
*Sturrock, Rev. W. Diocese of Calcutta
Sunter, Mr. Bookseller, York
Sutherland, Dr. A. J. Ch. Ch.
Sutton, Rev. K. S. Exeter Coll.
•Swainson, Rev. C. L.Crick, Northamp-
tonshire
Swainson, Rev. John, Northenden, Man-
chester
•Swainson, C. A. Esq. Fellow of Christ's
Coll. Cambridge
•Swete, Rev. B. Cork
Swete, Rev. Wm. Downgate, Sandhurst
Sykes, G. M. Esq. Downing Coll. Camb.
tSymons, Rev. B. P. D.D. Warden of
Wadham Coll.
•Tait, Rev. Dr. Head Master of Rugby
School
Talbot, Hon. and Rev. W. C. Ingestrie,
Lichfield
Talbot, Rev. G.Bristol
Tarbutt,Rev.Arthur,St.Mary's,Reading
Tarlton, J. W. Esq. Birmingham
+Tate, Frank, Esq. University Coll.
Tatham, Rev. Arthur
Taylor, A. Esq. Queen's Coll.
Taylor, Miss, London Road, Brighton,
(Chrytostom)
Taylor, Rev. Henry, Mile End, New
Town
Taylor, Rev. M. J. Harold, Bedfordshire
Taylor, Rev. Joseph, Dukinfield, near
Manchester
Taylor, Rev. Robert, Leeds
•Tennant, Rev. Wm.
•Terry, Michael, Esq. Queen's Coll.
Thomas, Rev. C. A. Nevill, Exeter Coll.
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